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MAKING A NATION 


By 

MELVIN G. WINSTOCK 



Published by 

MAKING A NATION COMPANY 
782 Northup Street 
Portland, Oregon 

_ Q- / " 2 0 ^ . 







Copyright 1923 
MELVIN G. WINSTOCK 
Portland, Oregon 



NOV 12'2:1 

©CU75379e 

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TABLE OF CONTENTS 


FOREWORD - .... 5 

GEORGE WASHINGTON ... 7 

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN ... 53 

PATRICK HENRY .... 79 

THOMAS JEFFERSON ... 109 

JOHN ADAMS .... 131 

JAMES.MONROE - - - - 161 

ALEXANDER HAMILTON - - - 185 

AARON BURR - - - - 205 

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS - - - 235 

ANDREW JACKSON - - - - 257 

JOHN MARSHALL - - - - 293 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN - - - - 327 

THEODORE ROOSEVELT - - - 361 

WARREN GAMLIEL HARDING - - 399 















Foreword 


W ITHOUT a sympathetic knowledge of the 
past, it is not possible to understand the pres¬ 
ent, nor intelligently vision the future. From 
the day upon which John Adams of Massachuetts 
told his countrymen that revolution and independ¬ 
ence from the British Crown were inevitable to the 
time ^\hen John Marshall of Virginia became the 
expression of the judicial opinion of the United 
States, civilization faced its supreme test. The men 
who played very great parts upon the stage of action 
in America during that fateful epoch wrote the most 
remarkable pages of human history. The develop¬ 
ment of republican institutions in the new world is 
hut the story of the lives of these remarkable men. 
Their achievements inspire lofty patriotism, which, 
after all, is but the holiest expression of the lo5^alty of 
tlie citizen to the ideals of his nation. 

The writer has not the temerity to lay claim in 
tliese biogaphical studies to great originality or su¬ 
perior merit. The author only hopes that these 
pages will interest the youth of our common country, 
in a deeper study of American history and to the 
boys and girls of America this humble work is sin¬ 
cerely dedicated. If the author can but be made to 
feel that he has even suggested a more thorough and 
complete study of the affairs of this republic, he will 
feel that his labor has not been in vain. 

Melvin G. Winstock. 

Portland, Oregon. 


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George Washington 


T he imperishable glory of George Washington belongs not 
alone to the United States of America but to the world. He was 
the central figure of the most important crisis in human history. 
He dominated alike when disaster brought despair to struggling colon¬ 
ials or when victory came to crown the conflict for human rights. 
Powerful of body, clear of mind, lofty of nature, matchless of courage, 
he moved onward to the achievement of that destiny for which fate had 
marked him. At all times whether youthful surveyor, cutting paths 
through unknown and trackless regions, or well seasoned President of 
a new nation, his was the highest type of citizenship. He was a pillar of 
strength to the cause of the Revolution. He led in the fight for 
constitutional construction. He was a safe and sane President during 
the first eight years of coherent definite union. Held by many of 
his countrymen to be worthy of perpetual honor, he turned aside from 
a continuance in the high office of President, because it would have 
set a bad precedent. In spite of this life of devotion, in the face of 
unblemished patriotism, of private virtues never sullied, he was the 
object of great villification. Upon his retirement a public newspaper 
said that the hour he left public service should be a day of public 
rejoicing throughout the land, for no longer would the name of 
Washington be used as a cloak to cover evil designs against the liberty 
of the Republic! 

George’s first teacher was one Hobby, the sexton of a church. 
This Hobby person according to tradition, having been convicted of a 
petty crime, was bound to the Washington family for a definite period 
to work out some penalty inflicted by an English court for the offense. 
Hobby was evidently no great scholar. He could not have been very 
efficient in spelling, judging by some of the later efforts of his renowned 
pupil, for Washington himself was no prize-winning speller. Said 
Washington, “I much regret that I have never learned to spell very 
well. Great skill in the use of language I never possessed, but I have 
always been able to make my meaning plain. I took very easily to 


8 


MAKING A NATION 


arithmetic. I have always had a taste for such knowledge as can be 
put to practical uses. Some effort was made to instruct me in the 
rudiments of Latin but it was not kept up.” 

The youthful idols of Washington were parents, English in 
habit, mature of thought, personal conduct and manners; Lord Fairfax, 
a British nobleman who had emigrated to America over a shattered 
romance, and a dearly beloved brother, who had been educated in 
and had returned from England. 

George was prepared in youth merely for the conduct of ordinary 
business. His copy books were remarkable for neatness and accuracy. 
Before he was thirteen he had copied a whole book containing forms 
for all kinds of mercantile transactions, bills of exchange, notes, deeds, 
bonds, contracts and various items in accounting. This early experi¬ 
ence gave him a taste for practical facts and figures and was the secret 
of that precision and efficiency which marked his labors either private 
or public. He inherited a quick temper from both parents but he 
mastered it and except on occasions of special provocation kept himself 
well under control. He practiced all kinds of outdoor exercise; was 
an expert at running, leaping, horseback riding, and swimming; was 
a dead shot with the gun and a rare huntsman. Being the oldest boy 
he took care of his younger brother and sister and protected them 
from harm as their little troop of three on their ponies made the daily 
ride to school. When somewhat younger he was the commander of 
a juvenile army which he led in battle against the imaginary foe. By 
reason of his fairness he was the judge in all school disputes and his 
decisions always stood as they were based on a rather rigid and 
impartial conception of justice. 

On the plantation was a blooded sorrel, a favorite of George’s 
deceased father, who had never been ridden. Several had tried a 
conquest, but had desisted on account of the fury of the beast. George 
and his friends confined the animal in an enclosure and forced a bit 
in his mouth. The horse, released, dashed madly away, trying in 
every way to unseat his rider. The struggle between boy and horse 
terrified all observers. But George clung to the seat and with an 
unyielding strength and courage, controlled the maddened animal. 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


9 


When fully conquered the horse called forth all his power in one 
mighty effort to avoid the shame of humiliation and defeat, reared 
and plunged with violence, burst his heart and died on the instant, 
the blood gushing from his nostrils like a torrent. Next day at break¬ 
fast Mrs. Washington brought up the subject of the horses, when 
George said, “Your favorite, the sorrel is dead, Madame.” Upon 
questioning, the boy’s mother heard the complete story. For a moment 
Mrs. Washington showed anger by a hectic spot on each cheek but 
she restrained her sorrow over the loss of so cherished an animal, 
exclaiming: “It is well, but while I regret the loss of my favorite, I 
rejoice in my son who always speaks the truth.” 

Here are some rules of personal conduct prepared by Washington 
while still a youth (note some of the spelling) : 

“RULES OF CIVILITY AND BEHAVIOUR” 

(As written in George Washington’s Copy-book) 

Every Action done in Company ought to be with Some Sign of 
Respect to those that are Present. 

Shew Nothing to your friend that may affright him. 

In the Presence of Others sing not to yourself with a humming 
Noise, nor Drum, with your Fingers or Feet. 

If you Cough, Sneeze, Sigh, or Yawn, do it not Loud but Pri¬ 
vately; and Speak not in your Yawning, but put your handkerchief 
or Pland before your face and turn aside. 

Sleep not when others Speak. Sit not when others stand. Speak 
not when you should hold your Peace. Walk not when others Stop. 

At Play amd at Fire its Good manners to give place to the last 
Commer, and not affect to speak Louder than ordenary. 

Shift not yourself in the Sight of others nor Gnaw your nails. 

Keep your Nails clean and Short, also your Hands and Teeth 
Clean, yet without Shewing any great concern for them. 

Be no Flatterer, neither play with any that delights not to be 
Play’d Withal. 

Let your Countenance be pleasant but in Serious Matters Some¬ 
what grave. 


10 


MAKING A NATION 


The Gestures of the Body must be Suited to the discourse you 
are upon. 

Reproach none for the Infirmaties of Nature, nor Delight to Put 
them that have in mind thereof. 

Shew not yourself glad at the Misfortune of another though he 
be your enemy. 

Superfluous Complements and all Affectations of Ceremony are to 
be avoided, but where due they are not to be Neglected. 

Let your Discourse with Men of Business be Short and Compre¬ 
hensive. 

Strive not with your Superiors in argument, but always Submit 
your Judgment to others with Modesty. 

Mock not nor Jest of anything of Importance; break no Jest 
that are Sharp Biting, and if you Deliver anything witty and Pleasant 
abstain from Laughing thereat yourself. 

Wherein you reprove another be unblameable yourself; for ex¬ 
ample is more prevalent than Precepts. 

Use no Reproachfull Language against any one neither Curse 
nor Revile. 

Be not hasty to believe flying Reports to the Disparagement of any. 

Associate yourself with Men of good Quality if you Esteem 
your own Reputation; for ’tis better to be alone than in bad Company. 

Break not a Jest where none take pleasure in mirth. Laugh not 
aloud, nor at all without Occasion, deride no man’s Misfortune, tho’ 
there seem to be Some cause. 

Speak not injurious Words neither in Jest nor Earnest. Scoff 
at none although they give Occasion. 

Detract not from others neither be excessive in Commending. 

Gaze not at the marks or blemishes of Others and ask not how 
they came. What you may Speak in Secret to your Friend deliver 
not before others. 

Be not apt to relate News if you know not the truth thereof. 
In Discoursing of things you have Heard Name not your Author 
always. A secret Discover not. 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


11 


Be not Curious to Know the Affairs of others, neither approach 
to those that Speak in Private. 

Undertake not what you cannot Perform but be Carefull to 
keep your Promise. 

Everything in his young life conspired toward making George 
a soldier or sailor. When about fourteen through the efforts of his 
brother Lawrence, an opportunity came by which he could enter the 
Royal Navy. The mother was persuaded to give her consent but 
with great reluctance. In order to delay the final decision, she, 
however, asked for time to write to England. No answer came. 
Finally Mrs. Washington tearfully gave way and George was about 
to board a war ship then lying in the Potomac River a little below 
the ancestral mansion. Just then the letter came advising against a 
Naval Career. This renewed the mother’s anxiety and she made 
one last earnest appeal to the boy to remain by her side. Then ensued 
a struggle between the pride and romance contained in the soul of the 
boy and that longing in the heart of a woman for the comfort and 
presence of a well beloved son. When the lad realized that tremend¬ 
ous mother love which made her so unbend as to implore him to “give 
up the sea,” he finally gave up his commission. In that act of self- 
denial he showed rare greatness. Who can tell? Had George Wash¬ 
ington been submerged in the Royal service, with no great influence 
back of him, he might have lived and died a petty naval officer and 
the achievement of American Independence have never occurred or 
have been delayed a generation. 

Washington’s first big job was given him by Lord Fairfax who 
had vast lands conferred by a grant from the Crown. He had so 
much territory that he knew not its full extent. Though Washington 
was but a youth his lordship had hunted with the lad, knew his courage 
and dependability, so employed young George to make a survey of his 
landed possessions. We can hardly realize what a big job this was 
unless we know that the country was without roads, was filled not 
only with beasts of the forest but also inhabited by Indians, many 
of whom were blood-thirsty and animated by hatred and fear of the 
pale face who had come to drive them from the earth. The hill 


12 


MAKING A NATION 


country and the Valley known as the Shenandoah was the scene of 
his earliest labors. Shenandoah in the Indian tongue means “Daughter 
of the Stars.” In Weir Mitchell’s book he puts in the mouth of 
Washington: “I learned to cook and many things which are a part of 
the education of the woods. After one night in a Dutch cabin, 
I liked better a bear skin and the open air, for it was not to my taste 
to lie down on a straw—very populous—or on a skin, with a man, 
wife and squalling babies, like cats and dogs to cast lots who should 
be nearest the fire. I did not like these people and the Indians inter¬ 
ested me more.” He was warned that one of the great jokes of the 
Indian was to squeeze the hand on meeting a stranger so as to give 
pain. When he met Big Bear he gave that renowned Red warrior 
such a grip, that the old chief cried out in pain, and this gave great 
amusement to the rest of the pow wow. In his diary Washington 
refers a number of times to the vermin which bothered the traveler. 
So, the boys in the trenches while in France need not have felt too 
great chagrin for “the war cutie” has never been a great respecter 
of persons and attacks the highest or lowest members of the human 
family. From a journal entry taken from Washington’s account of 
this journey: 

Wednesday, March 23, 1747: “We were agreeably surprised at 
the sight of 30 odd Indians coming from war with only one scalp. 
We had some liquor with us of which we gave them part, it elevating 
their spirit, put them in the humour of dancing, of whom we had a 
war dance.” He then gave a description of the dance, the alleged 
music, the speech of the chief which was all interesting and showed 
that at least the youth had no fear and could be trusted to get through 
with his important work in the face of every possible obstacle. Wash¬ 
ington was in comparatively good circumstances. He could have re¬ 
mained at home and have enjoyed ease and comfort. He preferred 
work even though the pay was but a doubloon per day. He did his 
work thoroughly and completelv. 

Upon his return he made his written report of the survey and 
gave his daily record to Lord Fairfax who was as much delighted at 
reading the diary as he was with the survey. One night he gathered 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


13 


around his board a motley array of guests. There were Indians, hunt¬ 
ers, trappers, fur-traders, and all sorts of people there. His lordship 
spread out the record and read it through to the assembled company. 
Washington sat there silent and somewhat embarrassed and still more 
so when Fairfax said: “Washington is a brave boy, it is hardship that 
makes men. A man’s power in life is in proportion to the resistance 
he meets when young. George will become a strong man some day.” 

Those who are romantically inclined have further evidence of the 
human quality and commonness of Washington when it is related that 
about this time he became completely under the sway of an unrequited 
love for some wmnderful Virginian “lowland beauty”. He sighed, he 
moped, he wrote amazingly bad poetry all dedicated to this stony¬ 
hearted lady who evidently did not smile on him. One might gather 
from som.e of the lines that George, being vastly timid in the presence of 
the fair sex, had not the courage to tell his love. It may be that though 
he loved he feared to make the plunge of a proposal because of the 
influence of Lord Fairfaix, who by reason of his sad experience in 
love, continually poured into the ear of his young friend a distrust 
of woman generally. But it is absolutely true that Washington at 
this period of his life wrote some of the worst alleged verse of which 
the mind could conceive. This is not told to discourage the young in 
poetic effort. If we sought such it would not have the slightest 
effect. When young we wrote bushels of it, and we rather suspect 
the parental wisdom( ?), which discourages love of romance in youth. 
We herewith reproduce some of the Washington poetic effusions: 

“Ah, woe is me that I should love conceal; 

Long have I wished and never dare reveal.” 

“From your bright sparkling eyes I am undone 
Rays you have more transparent than the sun 
Amidst its glory in the rising day 
None can equal you in your bright array.” 

“Xerxes the Great, wasn’t free from Cupid’s dart 
And all the greatest heroes felt the smart.” 


14 


MAKING A NATION 


It is to the credit of the j^oung lover that with all this wasted 
passion he had the manhood to conceal the name of the lady of his 
dreams and no one know^s to this day whom she really was. It might 
have been Lucy Grimes, Mary Bland, Betsy Fauntleroy, Miss Alex¬ 
ander or Miss Lee, the mother of the Lee who later became famous 
as a revolutionary hero. One writer has strongly suspected that 
there was more than one charmer who gave inspiration to his poetic 
genius(?). “He was a very bashful young man,” said an old lady 
whom Washington often visited. “I always wished that he would 
talk more.” 

If, however, he was reserved in the society of women he was 
thorough and efficient in all he undertook. He completed every task 
with overwhelming care. He was neither sloven or careless either in 
his work or his appearance. He acquired the magic of method. This 
followed him through life and marked his efforts always in either great 
or little things. 

When he was seventeen, through the influence of Lord Fairfax 
he was made county surveyor. This was in July 1749. He was 
appointed by the president and Masters of Williams and Mary Col¬ 
lege and in order to serve had to take the regular oath to his majesty’s 
person and the government of Great Britain. Of this Washington 
said: “I was much trusted and was soon busily employed because of 
my exactness and because it was known that I could not be bribed. 
For over two years I pursued this occupation.” 

While George was acting as county surveyor, and for years 
afterward, the trouble between the English and French for the settle¬ 
ment of the country along the Ohio river was approaching a crisis. 
The French claimed the territor}^ watered by the tributaries of the 
Mississippi river by right of the discoveries of Joliet and Fere Mar¬ 
quette of the Mississippi in the north, and their settlement of Louis¬ 
iana in the south. 

The English based their claim on a supposed purchase of all 
the territory west of the mountains and north of the Ohio from the 
Five Nations of Indians in council. It was, however, claimed and 
with some reason, that the Indians were under the influence of liquor 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


15 


when the treaty was negotiated and that moreover, these Indians at 
the time had no right to treat as they were not then in possession of 
the territory conveyed by the alleged treaty. The French were not 
only coming down from Canada and making settlements in the dis¬ 
puted territory, but also making friends with the Indians. This they 
were able to do because of the work of French Catholic missionaries 
and of the fact that many of the French pioneers had intermarried 
with and lived among the red men. 

Virginia was especially interested in this dispute, as a syndicate 
of gentlemen had formed what was known as the Ohio Company, 
whose business w’as to traffic with the natives and settle the country. 

The French sought to make the Indians believe that they were 
in the country to protect the Red man and for a time the Indians 
trusted. Of late, however, bold and fearless fur traders had come 
in and undermined the Indian’s confidence in French pretense. A 
profitable fur trade was established. The Pennsylvanians cheated the 
Indians out of valuable furs and skins, giving up only rum, blankets, 
gaudy cloth, trinkets, powder and shot. To secure a share of this 
business, a number of Virginians organized the Ohio Company. 
Thomas Lee, President of the Council of Virginia, easily led the 
movement, but in the company were Lawrence and Augustine Wash¬ 
ington. In conjunction with John Hanbury, a rich merchant of 
London, in 1749, the Ohio Company received a Royal Charter and 
grant to form colonies and settlements beyond the Alleghanies. Lee 
died and Lawrence Washington thereafter directed the affairs of the 
Company. The only colonists available were Dutch deserters from 
Pennsylvania. Under certain religious laws rigidly enforced, it would 
have been necessary for these Dutch to pay parish rates and maintain 
a clergyman of the Established Church of England. These restraints 
were removed and for the first time on American soil, freedom of 
conscience was openly declared. Preparations were rapidly made to 
put into effect this scheme of colonization, but the French were already 
in the field. When the Indians saw what the French were doing they 
said “They mean to steal our Country from us”, and they determined 
to seek protection from the English. The Red Men told a Pennsyl- 


16 


MAKING A NATION 


vania trader that their friendship for the English would last “while 
the sun and moon run around the world.” 

Then followed weary days and months of cunning struggle with 
the French, on one side trying to retain their hold on the Indians, 
and the English seeking to beguile their friendship and sow the seeds 
of distrust against the French. Neither side was just or right. Both 
sought to wrest the territory from the possession of the savage. Each 
side held pow wows with various tribes and each brought presents 
with which to bribe the Indian to accede to their views and plans. 
The Pennsylvania and Virginia traders encroached on what France 
deemed her territory to such a degree that Capt. Jonacaier for France, 
addressed a letter to the Governor of Pennsylvania claiming that 
France owned all the vast territory and that the English have no 
right to trade therein. Notwithstanding all this the Legislature of 
Virginia proceeded with its survey. An old Delaware Sachem meet¬ 
ing one of the surveyors said: “The French claim all the land on one 
side of the Ohio and the English claim all the land on the other side 
—now where does the Indians lands lie?” Poor Indians, between 
their fathers the French and their “brothers” the English, they stood 
a chance only of having their lands lovingly shared by these two 
benevolent nations. Justice compels the statement that both English 
and French deserve nothing but condemnation for their treatment of 
the Indian. It was the strong taking advantage of the weak. Thus 
in all time the English and French have seized the lands of the weak 
to be used in the name of civilization but as a matter of fact always 
with the selfish view of commercial advantage. 

France frightened by this effort to weaken her power among the 
natives, began preparation to hold by force of arms what she had 
lost in her treating with the red man. She sent soldiers into the 
disputed territory and built forts along the Ohio. This was met with 
an equally determined spirit on the part of the colonials. The prov¬ 
ince was divided into military districts, each with its own adjutant 
general. Washington was but nineteen at this time but such was 
the high esteem in which he and his brother were held that he 
easily secured the appointment as adjutant general of his district. 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


17 


With his usual method Washington now began to fit himself for the 
duties of his responsible post. The pay was only 150 pounds a 
year, but he wanted to become efficient in military matters and he 
devoted himself exclusively to a study of war, drilling, sword exercise 
and a general knowledge required to make of himself a capable mili¬ 
tary officer. Night and day he exercised, studied, practiced, read such 
books on manual of arms as he could get and at one time placed him¬ 
self under an old German soldier, Jacob Von Bramm, who taught 
him the art of the sword and otherwise tutored the youthful but 
aspiring soldier. 

His military studies were halted by the serious illness of his 
brother Lawrence. It became necessary for the health of Lawrence 
that he spend a winter in the West Indies. They sojourned at 
Barbadoe, where there was a theatre. Here George saw his first 
dramatic performance. He acquired a pretty taste for such amusement 
and retained his attachment for the drama throughout his life. Here 
the young George contracted the smallpox. Excellent care and at¬ 
tention reduced the ill effects of this disease to a mimimum, but he 
always retained the pox marks to some degree. George was sent back 
to Virginia to fetch out the wife of Lawrence, but the latter changed 
his mind,—went to Bermuda, grew rapidly worse and finally came 
home to die. He left an ample estate and by his will made George 
an executor. In addition to assisting his mother, George Wash¬ 
ington had the administration of the vast estate of his late brother. 
Moreover he had resumed his military activities. Armed conflict 
between the English and French was approaching a climax. There 
were frequent conferences with the Indian tribes, the French fool¬ 
ishly defiant and aggressive, the English wily, subservient and con¬ 
ciliatory. Captain Trent, a sort of milk and water chap, had been 
sent as a Commissioner to remonstrate with the French Commander 
for wrongful acts on territory claimed by the British. Trent showed 
fear and returned without accomplishing his mission. Governor 
Dinwiddle, realizing the need of a man of courage and ability, selected 
Washington, who at that time was 22 years of age. He was instructed 
to secure the friendship of Half-King of the Six Nations as an ally; 


18 


MAKING A NATION 


that he was to procure a sufficient escort and to deliver a letter to the 
French Captain Joncaire, to procure an answer and deliver the same 
to Governor Dinwiddie. In this letter the English Governor set 
forth England’s claim, its violations, a demand for redress and an 
insistence that Washington be treated as a duly accredited envoy. 

Joncaire was shrewd. He plied the Indians who accompanied 
Washington with liquor, loaded them with costly gifts and made 
every effort to wean them away from the English cause. On various 
pretexts he detained the party, but on December 7th Washington 
and his men departed on their way to deliver the note of Governor 
Dinwiddie to the Chevalier Legardner de St. Pierre, the French 
Commandant. He was located on an island near French Creek 
about 15 miles from Lake Erie. Four days of travel through snow 
and rain brought Washington to the fort used as headquarters of 
the French. Here Washington w’as received with distinguished cour¬ 
tesy. Some days were used in counsel between the Commandant and 
his officers. The Chevalier knew’ no English and Washington no 
French. So each had to deal through interpreters. Washington w’as 
not idle. He made mental notes, afterw’ards reduced to journal form 
of the numbers of men, canoes, size and strength of fortifications and 
such other knowdedge as might prove valuable should war come. 
Washington realized that treachery was in the air. The Chevalier 
had used every art to persuade the Indians to abandon the English. 
He issued secret orders to retard Washington on his return journey. 
Finally, December 14th, he received a sealed reply of the French and 
on December 15th began his journey back to Virginia. It is needless 
to say that Washington used every ounce of energy to keep the Indians 
loyal and true. 

December, 1753, Christmas Day, Washington on his return 
journey was compelled at Venango to abandon his horse and proceed 
by foot. While on this weary homeward trudge, wdth a Mr. Gest 
and an Indian guide, the party narrowly escaped an ambuscade, the 
Indian guide proving faithless. He did encounter some friendly 
savages and when this occurred he lost no opportunity to make friends 
for the English cause. After indescribable hardships and peril, Wash- 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


19 


ington reach Williamsburg on January i6th, 1754, and delivered 
the sealed reply of the Frenchman to Governor Dinwiddle. 

The answer of the Frenchman was evasive and merely a play 
for time. He wrote: 

“He should transmit the letter of Governor Dinwiddle to his 
general, the Marquis du Quesne, to whom it better belongs than to 
me to set forth the evidence and reality of the rights of the king, my 
master, upon the lands situated along the river Ohio, and to contest 
the pretensions of the King of Great Britain thereto. His answer shall 
be law to me. * * * As to the summons you send me to retire, 

I do not think myself obliged to obey it. Whatever may be your 
instructions, I am here by virtue of the orders of my general; and 
I entreat you, sir, not to doubt one moment but that I am determined 
to conform myself to them with all the exactness and resolution which 
can be expected from the best officer. ^ * 

“I made it my particular care” adds he, “to receive Mr. Wash¬ 
ington with a distinction suitable to your dignity, as well as his own 
quality and great merit. I flatter myself that he will do me this 
justice before you, sir, and that he will signify to you, in the manner 
I do myself, the profound respect with which I am, sir,” etc. * * ■*' 

It would have taken a duller brain that Dinwiddle’s to have 
failed to see, in this letter and Washington’s report of his mission, 
any other policy than that of immediate war on the part of France. 
Dinwiddle lost no time. He authorized the enlistment of two com¬ 
panies of soldiers and pounded on the stubborn legislature of Virginia 
for an appropriation with which to carry on armed conflict. He 
offered land to such men as would enlist and fight. It was easier 
to get soldiers than officers. Washington busied himself in raising 
a regiment and was ordered to the scene of action, far to the west. 
H is first victory was won by skillfully surprising the enemy, 20 killed 
and a like number of prisoners. He was then held as a great man 
by Virginians “A bombastic hero in London and a murdering ruffian 
in France.” Later with a force of about 150, Washington encountered, 
at Fort DuQuesne a superior force of 1000 French and Indians under 
Captain de Villiero. The English were compelled to capitulate but 


20 


MAKING A NATION 


Washington was able to secure honorable terms, which included the 
right to withdraw all his garrison and return peaceably to his state 
with all due honors of war. The Government gave him a vote of 
thanks for his hard work and masterly retreat. 

In the face of danger the authorities began to quibble over 
technical matters of military precedence. It was decided that any 
officer holding a Royal Commission should outrank any provisional 
officer of any grade. Colonel Washington, thereupon, resigned his 
commission in the Virginian Army and returned to Mount Vernon. 
He loved military activity but valued more his self respect. At the 
plantation Washington gave himself with vigor to the business affiairs 
of his mother and to the general routine of farm life. Blunders, con¬ 
flicts of authority between Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania 
hindered and delayed preparation. There was reluctance in enlistment 
and scantness of money. England finally awoke to the seriousness 
of the situation and in 1755 sent over some regular troops under 
General Braddock. Four objects as follows were embraced in the 
Royal plans: 

(1) To eject the French from lands which they held unjustly, 
in the province of Nova Scotia. 

(2) To dislodge them from a fortress which they had erected 
at Crown Point, on Lake Champlain, within what was claimed as 
British territory. 

(3) To dispossess them of the fort which they had constructed 
at Niagara, between Lake Ontario and Lake Erie. 

(4) To drive them from the frontiers of Pennsylvania and 
Virginia, and recover the valley of the Ohio. 

Braddock was a brave and experienced officer; but his experience 
was that of routine, and rendered him phlegmatic and obstinate, im¬ 
patient of novel expedients “not laid down in the books” but dic¬ 
tated by emergencies in a “new country” and his military precision, 
wffiich would have been brilliant on parade, was a constant obstacle 
to alert action in the wilderness.* 

Braddock was to lead in person, the grand enterprise of the 
campaign. 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


21 


From his ancestral mansion, Washington viewed the troops of 
Braddock and his intense longing for a soldierly life again roused 
martial spirit. Fie wanted to volunteer. Governor Dinwiddle made 
known the merit and courage of Washington to General Braddock 
who promptly offered Washington a position on his staff as one of 
the General’s Aides-de-camp. Braddock had scarcely pointed westward 
when his troubles started through failure of army contractors to 
deliver the horses, wagon and provisions necessary. Some of these 
troubles were modified by Benjamin Franklin, out of whose private 
purse and pledged personal responsibility some of war’s necessities 
came. Knowing the absurd, pompous conceit of Braddock, Mr. 
Franklin issued a diplomatic warning against the subtleties of Indian 
warfare. The English general merely said: “These savages may 
indeed be a formidable enemy to raw American mdlitia, but upon the 
King’s regular and disciplined troops, sir, it is impossible they should 
make an impression”. Part of the way he traveled in a chariot. 
He was most punctillious in the drill, in camp conduct, routine of 
every kind, but he knew nothing of the rough road, the swift river, 
the obstructing tree, the cunning savage. The regulars carried much 
excess baggage. Washington urged rapidity; Braddock halted at 
every turn to level a hill or bridge a creek. The troops took four 
days to make 12 miles. Occasionally as they proceeded, officers and 
men were picked off, shot and scalped. Washington fell sick and was 
left behind, suffering thereby great mental anguish. After a time 
he recovered and rejoined his chief in time to be present July 9th 
at the proposed attack of Fort DuQuesne. The English advance was 
made in perfect order. But Braddock had ignored common prudence. 
There had been no scientific military reconnoitering. Behind the 
brow of a steeply rising hill, the enemy awaited in full force. The 
savages were concealed in ravines and behind trees and were firing 
upon the completely exposed English with deadly effect. The Vir¬ 
ginia troops, accustomed to Indian warfare, took post behind trees 
whence they could shoot down their cunning and lurking foes, thus 
they in a measure protected the British regulars. The English 
officers behaved with extraordinary gallantry, and as an inspiration 


22 


MAKING A NATION 


to their despairing men, they would dash forward singly or in groups. 
They were invariably shot down. Some were killed by random shot 
of their own men. Soldiers in the front ranks were killed by those 
in the rear. Between friend and foe, the slaughter of the officers 
was terrible. The woods resounded with the unearthly yellings of 
the savages, and now and then one of them, hideously painted, and 
ruffling with feathered crest, would rush forth to scalp an officer who 
had fallen. 

Throughout this distrasous day Washington distinguished him¬ 
self by his courage and presence of mind. The whole duty of 
carrying the orders of the general devolved on him. His danger was 
imminent and incessant. He was in every part of the field, a con¬ 
spicuous mark for the murderous rifle. Two horses were shot under 
him. Four bullets passed through his coat. His escape, unharmed, 
through the bitter carnage of the day, was solely through the Provi¬ 
dence of God. Braddock, who did not lack bravery, remained at 
the very center of conflict. He was finally shot and carried from the 
field. It was a complete rout. The English fled, leaving their dead 
to be scalped by the Indians. The retreat w^as practically conducted 
by Washington. Out of 86 officers, 26 were killed, 36 wounded and 
of the rank and file over 700 had been slain. Braddock died at Fort 
Meadows. Before he passed on, he admitted his error, apologized to 
Washington for the rejection of his advice for caution, and gave to 
Washington his favorite charger. Washington wrote to his brother: 

“As I have heard, since my arrival at this place, a circumstantial 
account of my account of my death and dying speech, I take this early 
opportunity of contradicting the first, and of assuring you that I 
have not composed the latter. But, by the all-powerful dispensations 
of Providence, I have been protected beyond all human probability 
or expectation; for I had four bullets through my coat and two horses 
shot under me yet escaped unhurt, though death was levelling my 
companions on every side of me.” 

“We have been most scandalously beaten by a trifling body of 
men, but fatigue and want of time prevent me from giving you any 
of the details until I have the happiness of seeing you at Mount 
Vernon.” 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


23 


The defeat of Braddock was the most melancholy event in Amer¬ 
ican history and yet it had a bearing on colonial thought far beyond 
its import at that time. It awakened the people to the idea that 
after all the much vaunted BRITISH REGULAR was not invincible. 
This was in July. 

In August, Governor Dinwiddie convened the Virginia Assembly 
to devise ways and means of providing for the public safety. Danger 
had aroused anxiety and this produced results. Forty thousand 
pounds was voted and authority to raise a regiment of lOOO men. 
Washington declined to solicit command, but he indicated the only 
terms and conditions under which he would accept such honor, which 
were certainty of rank and compensation, a right to appoint his 
own field officers and the supply of proper funds with which to 
make war. Such appointm.ent was made August 14th by Governor 
Dinwiddie though the latter preferred another. He was never there¬ 
after, very considerate of Washington, because public opinion had 
forced the choice of Washington. He harrassed and annoyed Wash¬ 
ington, evidently in the hope that he would in disgust resign his 
command. Washington, however, recognized a higher duty, sub¬ 
merged his pride and served. New ministries of the Crown with 
later military appointments effected little improvement. Washington 
was in continuous conflict with Governor Dinwiddie and lost no 
opportunity to write frequent protests. Each time his advice was 
ignored. English arms paid a sorrowful penalty. The military 
service of Washington in these campaigns against the French finally 
ended with the capture of Fort DuQuesne. England had won rather 
by French withdrawal from the disputed region, than from any bril¬ 
liant achievement. 

Prior to the departure on this expedition after a quick court¬ 
ship, Washington became engaged to marry the Widow Curtis, a 
lady of fine attributes, possessed of an ample fortune and their wedding 
was celebrated January 6th, 1759. While away at the head of his 
troops he was elected a member of the Virginia House of Burgesses. 
When he took his seat in this assembly, the speaker publicly thanked 
him for his services to his country. 


24 


MAKING A NATION 


For sixteen years George Washington, at Mount Vernon, lead 
the life of an English country gentleman. His wife, was unable to 
manage her large estates, and Washington added this care to his own. 
Aside from his father’s small legacy, the death of his half-brother, 
Law’rence, and of Lawrence’s only child, had left Mount Vernon 
and other valuable properties to him. Like other Virginia planters, 
Washington owned slaves. He regretted this and always used his 
influence to have the institution abolished. He cared for his wife’s 
children and looked after their estates. He ordered wearing apparel, 
liveries for his servants, equipages, harness, and accoutrements from 
England. The Washingtons entertained hospitably. When Mrs. 
Washington rode out she had her coach and four and was attended 
by black postilions in white and scarlet. 

For years after the French and Indian War, Colonel Washing¬ 
ton was the champion of his former soldiers. He once took a journey 
down the Ohio into the wilds of Kentucky to claim lands which some 
men, who could not afford to go themselves, had received in payment 
of their services with him on the frontier. 

No man in all the colonies was so exact in his business dealings. 
He knew how much tobacco had been planted this and last year; the 
number of his cows; how much cloth had been woven; what the upkeep 
of his slaves was; the market value of tobacco; the extent of prices 
of all the goods he ordered semi-annually from London. He kept his 
accounts in his own handwriting to the minutest detail. He bought 
nothing which could not be made for the 300 persons on the Mount 
Vernon estate. He had a millwright, carpenters, weavers and brick 
makers. He kept them all busy and yet was a kindly and considerate 
employer. 

The treaty of peace with France was ratified in 1763. Between 
that time and the passage of the Stamp Act, Washington was a loyal 
subject of Great Britain. To himself, however, he unflinchingly 
faced a subtle fear that the purpose of the Crown toward the colonies 
was being directed toward injustice and oppression. When the Stamp 
Act was passed, March, I765» he said there were many reasons why 
the order would prove ineffectual. Within two months Patrick Henry 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


25 


of his own volition, on his own motion and standing practically alone 
offered the resolution which set forth the claim that the General 
Assembly of Virginia alone had the exclusive power of imposing taxes 
upon the inhabitants of the colony. Fear and hesitation fled before 
the burning eloquence of Henry. The resolution passed. The legis¬ 
lature was thereupon ordered dissolved by the trembling Lieutenant 
Governor and a new election ordered. Business was paralyzed. The 
people would not transact trade on account of the stamps. This boy¬ 
cott brought som.e temporary sense into the minds of English states¬ 
men. Four months later it was repealed and many of the people 
rejoiced, hoping that a reconciliation between England and her colonies 
would be effected. 

In the year 1772 Washington and a party proceeded to Kanawha 
very far west to explore valuable tracts of lands. Their course lead 
them over paths reached only by Indian trails. One day a party of 
Indians approached. They were part of the band that had fought 
with the French in the disastrous campaign. The chief easily recog¬ 
nized Washington. At the council fire the Grand Sachem delivered 
himself of the following poetic address: 

“I am a chief, and the ruler over many tribes. My influence 
extends to the waters of the Great Lakes, and to the far Blue 
Mountains. I have traveled a long and a weary path, that I might 
see the young warrior of the great battle. It was on the day that 
the white man’s blood mixed with the streams of our forest, that I 
first beheld this chief. I called to my young men and said, ‘Mark 
yon tall and daring warrior; he is not of the red-coat tribe; he hath 
an Indian’s wisdom, and his warriors fight as well; himself alone 
is exposed. Quick, let your aim be certain, and he dies.’ Our rifles 
were levelled—rifles which but for him knew not how to miss. ‘Twas 
all in vain; a power mightier far than we shielded him from harm. 
He cannot die in battle. I am old, and soon shall be gathered to the 
great council fire of my fathers in the land of the shades; but ere I 
go, there is a something bids me speak in the voice of prophecy. 
Listen! The Great Spirit protects that man and guides his destinies. 


26 


MAKING A NATION 


He will become the chief of nations, and a people yet unborn hail 
him as the founder of a mighty empire.” 

The overwhelming public opinion both in Great Britain and the 
colonies had forced a repeal of the obnoxious Stamp Act, the mother 
country gave evidence in other proceedings of a design to oppress. 
Washington, in common with many of his countrymen, resented the 
crack of the English whip. • He said: 

“At a time, when our lordly masters in Great Britain will be 
satisfied with nothing less than the deprivation of American freedom. 
It seems highly necessary that something should be done to avert the 
stroke, and maintain the liberty which we have derived from our 
ancestors. But the manner of doing it, to answer the purpose ef¬ 
fectually, is the point in question. That no man should scruple, or 
hesitate a moment, to use arms in defense of so valuable a blessing, 
is clearly my opinion. Yet, arms, I would beg leave to add, should 
be the last resort.” 

Committees of Correspondence had been busily at work. When 
it was clear that England intended b)^ force of arms to compel the 
obedience of Boston, the legislature of Virginia met and after a 
vigorous protest against such action, June ist, was appointed a day of 
fasting, humiliation and prayer. The Governor dissolved the session. 
The members met in the old Raleigh Tavern and the committee of 
Correspondence was instructed to take measures for the convocation 
of a general congress in which delegates from all the colonies should 
take part. Washington was selected a delegate by his Virginia asso¬ 
ciates. For once he was undoubtedly inspired. He broke forth at this 
meeting in Williamsburg, with a torrent of eloquence ending his 
speech by offering to enlist and equip a regiment of a thousand men 
at his own expense to fight Gage, the English General and bring 
about the relief of Boston. Ele reminded the King that from him 
there was but one appeal, that of arms. Washington and Patrick 
Henry rode on horseback from Virginia to Philadelphia as members of 
the First American Congress. 

In the first National Congress, which met in the autumn of 1774 
at Philadelphia, the delegates in spite of some powerful opposition 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


27 


declared that it was the right of the colonists, as British subjects, 
to make their own laws and impose their own taxes; it asserted the 
right to trial by jury, the right of petition; denied the right of the 
Crown to impose Royal troops upon the people. It drafted a petition 
to the King, and addresses to the people of England, Canada and 
America, and then adjourned to meet again in the spring of 1775, 
should friction still continue between the colonies and the mother 
nation. 

This congress remained in session 51 days. The petitions, ad¬ 
dresses and resolutions issued from it showed rare political wisdom. 
Lord Chatham of England in addressing the House of Lords paid 
the highest tribute to the decency, prudence, moderation and wisdom 
contained in these documents. They evoked not only his admiration 
but his sympathy. He had the vision to see that men of this character 
could never be beaten in a cause so righteous as inspired these chosen 
representatives of American democracy. The King and his stubborn 
counsellors did not have things all their own way. Many citizens of 
England favored the rights of the colonists and sympathized heartily 
with their struggle for just treatment. So the sentiment that came 
forth from the congress had wide vogue and the delegates builded 
better than they knew. There was no record of the proceedings. 
They were secret and what has come down has come from written 
recollections of some of the men who took part. There is no doubt 
that Washington took a great and leading part in the discussion. 
When Patrick Henry came back to Virginia he was asked who in his 
opinion was the greatest character of the Congress. He said 
that Rutledge of South Carolina was the greatest orator, but that 
Colonel Washington for sound judgment and solid information was 
undoubtedly the greatest man on the floor. This was high praise 
from the man of all men, who was the orator of the revolution and 
whose matchless eloquence in that same Congress swept from every 
soul all trace of lingering fear and Inspired a weak and feeble nation 
in defense of liberty, to rise in wrath against the greatest naval and 
military power of the known world. 

In writing to a royalist at this period, Washington said: 


28 


MAKING A NATION 


“I think 1 can announce it as a fact, that it is not the wish or 
interest of that government, or any other upon this continent, separ¬ 
ately or collectively, to set up for independence; but this you may at 
the same time rely on, that none of them wdll ever submit to the 
loss of their valuable rights and privileges, which are essential to 
the happiness of every free state, and without which life, liberty and 
property are rendered totally insecure.” 

In concluding, he repeats his views with respect to independence: 

“I am w-ell satisfied that no such thing is desired by any thinking 
man in all North America; on the contrary, that it is the ardent 
wish of the w^armest advocates for liberty, that peace and tranquility, 
upon constitutional grounds, may be restored, and the horrors of civil 
discord prevented.” 

Upon the adjournment of Congress, Washington returned to 
Mount Vernon and there awaited events. Boston and other parts 
of Massachusetts w^re in a state of w^ar, and that commonw^ealth \vas 
making every possible preparation for military defense. Military 
activity heretofore confined to New England was rapidly spreading 
to other sections. Virginia fell in line. The state militia w^as getting 
in shape and often sought and received Washington’s advice. 

When Lord Chatham’s plea for justice at the English court had 
been s\vept aside, to please a stubborn, arrogant and ignorant King 
it but stimulated in America the spirit of resistance and revolution. 
Then swift as lightning came Lexington and Concord (April, 1775) 
with the shots that echoed around the world, the slaughter of Amer¬ 
icans w'hich awoke a martial spirit, an undying patriotism never 
lessened until freedom and Independence were finally attained. 

The second Congress convened May 10, 1775. Some members 
favored a further petition to the King. Many still hoped for recon¬ 
ciliation. John Adams of Massachusetts, condemned such a course 
as cow'ardly and senseless. A Eederal union was formed and Congress 
assumed the powders incident to conducting the government of a 
nation. It decreed the enlistment of troops, ordered the construction 
of forts at point of defense in the various colonies, made provision for 
arms, ammunition and military stores, declared Massachusetts freed 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


29 


from allegiance to the British crown. To carry on these operations 
it was decided to issue continental notes in the amount of three million 
dollars and the credit of the United Colonies was pledged to redeem 
the issue. 

John Adams planned the nomination of Washington for the 
exalted post of Commander in Chief of the Continental Army. He 
did not take this step because he thought Washington the best man 
for the position but for purely political reasons. He wanted the active 
support of the Southern colonies and he thought for that reason alone 
that Washington should be chosen. Men from Virginia opposed 
Washington. The friends of Artemus Ward desired the honor for 
him. But the general sentiment of the Congress was for Washington. 
In accepting the honor, Washington declined the pay of $500 per 
month which had been voted, saying that he would keep an exact 
account of his expense and he hoped that in the due course of time 
he would be reimbursed. At the same time he made it quite plain 
that he had not sought the great post and that he did not deem himself 
equal to the command of which he had been honored. He received 
his commission on June 20 and without delay proceeded to Boston 
to place himself in active command of the Continental Army. He 
was now 43, stately in person, noble in demeanor, calm, full of 
dignity, filled with the consciousness of great responsibility but equally 
determined to give his fortune as well as his life, if necessary, for the 
great cause in which his country was embarked. 

There is a high degree of temptation in a character sketch such 
as this, to go into the details of the revolutionary struggle. It may 
not be done. We can only deal briefly with Washington. He was 
not only Commander in Chief but he was statesman, financier, plain 
man. He saw himself at the head of a ragged body of men, with 
but little knowledge of stern discipline, feebly armed and inadequately 
fed. He was beset by a Congress that loved to hear itself talk but 
were slow to procure the money, without which successful fighting 
could not be maintained. He was surrounded by officers, some of 
whom were true and some were false. He was a man of action and 
his councillors in war hindered his desire for brilliant operation. 


30 


MAKING A NATION 


Many times he was confronted with a chance to win a victory and 
yet he knew that such success would in the final analyses mean defeat. 

The whole record of human history presents no such terrible spec¬ 
tacle as the sight of the patriotic general and his starving, freezing men 
at Valley Forge. Victories he planned that were carried out under the 
leadership of his subordinate officers, who quickly claimed all the 
credit and promptly proceeded to gain fame and glory at the expense 
of the silent general to whom the honor was really due. He beheld 
sickness and disease spread among his men and could not avert all 
this because he could not provide sanitary quarters, doctors and medi¬ 
cine. He was the object of treachery and he saw men desert by the 
score. While suf¥erlng every hardship he got but little sympathy 
from Congress and his appeals for supplies fell upon deaf ears. 
He saw his feeble army confronted by the flower of British soldiery. 
He was at times near enough to almost hear the music, as the merry 
English men danced, while he and his men froze and went without 
necessary food. At times he retreated when to his critics, it appeared 
that he should have stood his ground and fought. But he plugged 
on in dogged determination, keeping his own counsel. At times his 
condition was so desperate that he did not even dare let Congress or 
the country know FOR FEAR THAT SUCH KNOWLEDGE 
WOULD FALL INTO THE HANDS OF THE ENEMY and 
incite him to strike a fatal blow. As is always the case when the things 
went well, he was idolized and when they went ill there were always 
those who bit behind his back and made him wince and suffer, for he 
could never reveal all that was in his great and active mind. When 
he went to New York to prepare that city to defend Itself against the 
foe there was a plan to kidnap him and deliver his person to the 
British. The Tl ories had planned the deed. It failed and the guilty 
guard who had been bribed to treachery was taken out and shot. 
T hus Briton and its adherents did not hesitate to adopt the most 
dastardly means to weaken the Colonial cause. 

This was in June. In July, 1776, came the fateful and all- 
important Declaration of Independence, set forth solemnly under the 
cloud of war, carrying forth the inspiration and determination of a 


MAKING A NATION 


31 


people who preferred death to tyranny. The population of the 
Colonies was only 2,600,000, of which Virginia had 560,000, Massa¬ 
chusetts 360,000, Pennsylvania 300,000, New Vork 180,000, and 
Georgia only 30,000 souls. George Washington hailed the declara¬ 
tion with joy. The Declaration gave new strength and hope to all. 

At one time Lord Howe, lately arrived from England, sent a 
note addressed to “Mr.” Washington. The American Commander 
in Chief refused to receive it. A second was sent to George Wash¬ 
ington, Esq. It, too, was declined. It contained the information 
that he. Lord Howe, desired to negotiate a reconciliation and that he 
was possessed of full pardoning power from King George. Wash¬ 
ington made known to the English General that such offer was without 
avail, that there was nothing to pardon and that no pardon had been 
solicited. 

There is no doubt that General Charles Lee and General Gates 
laid deep and daring plans to procure Washington’s place. But early 
in the war Lee was captured and Gates had to suppress, at least for 
a time, those daring and unholy ambitions in which lurked deadly 
danger to the American cause. The crossing of the Delaware, 
December 26th, 1776, and the capture of Trenton under terrific odds, 
awakened the public mind to the daring wisdom and unconquerable 
power of the Silent Chieftain. One day after this victory Congress 
by official resolution, conferred on Washington the military power of 
a dictator, saying that its members knew that he would not overstep or 
abuse the trust reposed in him by the grim requirements of war. The 
Trenton victory came at a most opportune time. The nation was 
disheartened—money had almost vanished, credit entirely gone. Vic¬ 
tory gave renewed confidence and enabled Robert Morris, the financier 
of the Revolution to borrow money even from the non-combatant 
Quakers and the $50,000.00 so secured he turned over to Washington 
for immediate pressing use. Howe by threats and bribes had caused 
many royalists or doubtful inhabitants to come in and sign an oath of 
fealty to the Crown. This compelled Washington to issue a proclama¬ 
tion demanding all such to come to headquarters or other designated 
stations, give up such papers and declare allegiance to the United 


32 


MAKING A NATION 


States of America, or thereafter to be deemed enemies and treated as 
such by the American government. 

Washington also circulated a printed poster which among other 
bits of sarcasm contained the following: 

“Messrs. Howe: We have seen your proclamation and as it 
is a great curiosity think it deserves some notice, and lest no one 
else should deign to notice it, will make a few remarks upon what 
was designed for public benefit. In this rarity we see slaves oflering 
liberty to free Americans; thieves and robbers offer to secure our 
rights and property; murderers offer us pardon; a perjured tyrant by 
the mouths of two if his hireling butchers, ‘commands’ all the civil 
and military powers, in these independent States to resign all pre¬ 
tensions to authority, and to acknowledge subjection to a foreign 
despot, even his mock majesty, now reeking with blood and murder. 
This is truly a curiosity, and is a compound of the most consummate 
arrogance and the folly of the cloven-footed spawn of despairing 
wretches, who are laboring to complete the works of tyranny and 
death.” 

After this Washington suffered many apparent defeats and the 
country was filled with gloom and despair. But, Washington knew 
what he was after. He planned to keep General Howe and his 
forces in check while Gates might have the chance to deal a decisive 
blow to Burgoyne. Benedict Arnold, then a turbulent but great 
fighter, was penning in the English on one side; Morgan was tight¬ 
ening the net on the other, and Burgoyne was being forced into a 
situation from which he could not extricate himself. Out-numbered, 
beaten, trapped, the English surrendered. The Revolution was saved 
at Trenton. It was established by this victory at Saratoga. It was 
won at Yorktown; and it was the master mind of Washington which 
planned and directed each of these great military movements. 

Congress at all times demanded the impossible. On March 14th, 
i 777 » Washington wrote to its President: 

“Could I accomplish the Important objects so eagerly wished 
by Congress, confining the enemy within their present quarters, pre¬ 
venting their getting supplies from the country, and totally subduing 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


33 


them before they are reinforced; I should be happy, indeed. But 
what prospect or hope can there be of my affecting so desirable a 
work at this time?” 

Though John Adams had brought about the selection of Wash¬ 
ington he began at once a systematic fault-finding that greatly exasper¬ 
ated the silent, patient soldier, hemmed in with difficulties and 
never “wearing his heart upon his coat sleeve.” There was quite a 
group of anti-Washingtonians and to these Gates the pompous and 
jealous, the Conway, McKinnon and Mifflin addressed themselves 
most adroitly. The object of this dark conspiracy was to depreciate 
the military standing of Washington and the elevation of Gates 
to the high command. Gates, greatly elated over his conquest of 
Burgoyne, had the unparalleled effrontery of communicating the news 
of his victory direct to Congress, rather than to his superior officer, 
Washington. He received and wrote very indiscreet letters to those 
in the plot with him. One of these base letters went to Patrick 
Henry, who made the same known to Washington. A bold and 
impertinent letter from Conway to Gates fell into Washington’s 
hands. Washington merely notified Gates that he had received a letter 
containing the following paragraph: 

“Heaven has determined to save your country, or a weak general 
and bad counsellor would have ruined it.” 

The curt note from Washington stunned the conspirators. They 
tried to explain and the more they explained the deeper they plunged 
themselves into confusion. They did, however, win enough power 
to procure an increase in the number of the Board of War and 
Gates, Mifflin and Conway were members. The dirty group lacked 
the brains to put through their plans. Meanwhile Washington went 
on his relentless way, performing his duties and utterly ignoring the 
conspiracy as far as Congress was concerned, except an occasional 
letter to some member answering or explaining some vital point. 
This Conway crowd finally over-reached themselves. McKinson was 
permitted to resign. Gates was relegated to the North, Conway left 
in a fit of anger and the cabal organized to exalt Gates upon the 
ruin of Washington, dashed itself in vain against the strong upright 


34 


MAKING A NATION 


man who had an unshakable grip upon both the affections of the Army 
and the love of the people. Conway under the fear that death was 
near, wrote a letter to Washington that was a sort of apology for his 
misdeeds in which he declared that Washington was a great and 
good man. 

From these things it is quite easy to infer that Washington had 
no high respect or veneration for Congress. He wrote to Colonel 
Harrison, a Virginian friend: 

“You are besought most earnestly, my dear Colonel Harrison, 
to exert yourself by endeavoring to rescue your country by sending 
your best and ablest men to Congress. . . . They must not 

content themselves with the enjoyment of places of honor or profit 
in their own State while the comm.on Interests of America are molder- 
ing and sinking into irretrievable ruin. ... If I were to be 
called upon to draw a picture of the times and of men, from what I 
have seen, heard, and in part know, I should in one word say that 
idleness, dissipation, and extravagance seem to have laid fast hold of 
the most of them; that speculation, peculation, and an insatiable thirst 
for riches seem to have got the better of every other consideration, 
and almost of every order of men; that party disputes and personal 
quarrels are the great business of the day, while the momentous con¬ 
cerns of an empire, a great and accumulating debt, ruined finances, 
depreciated money and want of credit, which in its consequences 
is the want of everything, are but secondary considerations and post¬ 
poned from day to day, from week to week, as if our affairs wore 
the most promising aspect.” 

The affair of General Charles Lee (not the Virginia Lee) at 
the battle of Monmouth was a source of great grief to Washington. 
Lee was a great and adventurous soldier. He had served with dis¬ 
tinction in the army of many nations. Coming to America, where 
his reputation had preceded him, he made friends with members of 
Congress. Even Washington entertained a high opinion of Lee’s 
ability. He was appointed as one of the generals in the Continental 
Army. He was a man of keen intelligence, though violent in his 
passions, was rude and insolent and held a great contempt for Colonial 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


35 


troops. At the battle of Monmouth, he had been ordered by Wash¬ 
ington to hold a certain position. For some mysterious reason, he 
ordered a retreat almost before the enemy had fired a shot at the 
troops under his comm.and. Washington in angered amazement heard 
that the American troops were falling to the rear and he sped to the 
scene of defection. He took Lee most rigorously to task, called him 
“A cowardly poltroon” and addressed him in other language utterly 
justified and ordered him to the rear. Washington then led the 
Americans to battle and won a victory, but not nearly of so great 
value, as it would have been had Lee, like a true soldier, obeyed orders. 
Lee suf¥ered court martial, was found guilty and was suspended from 
his command for a term of one year. Over 75 years later, documents 
were discovered which showed that General Lee was in close touch 
with offiicials of the Crown, that he deliberately planned American 
defeat in order to weaken Washington. He hoped to succeed his 
chief and as such negotiate a peace with England for which treason 
he would doubtless have been richly paid. He was finally dismissed 
from the Army and 1782 died at Philadelphia, friendless and alone. 

Of all low’ creatures none are more to be despised than the war 
profiteer. We had him in the War of Secession, we had him in the 
World War, and America had him in the War of the Revolution. 
They called forth from Washington a w’hite heat of indignation. 
He w’rote to his friend Joseph Reed in 1778 ^ 

“It is much to be lamented that each State, long ere this, has 
not hunted them down as pests to society and the greatest enemies 
we have to the happiness of America. * ^ No punishment is 

too great for the men who can build their greatness upon their coun- 
try s rum, 

Washington saw’ wdly schemers depreciate the currency, stir 
up party dissension and to him it appeared that there were men base 
enough to plot a continuance of the struggle, to w’ax fat upon the 
miseries of the nation. 

H is troubles w’ere further increased by Congress. Washington 
had asked for sterner military provisions. A committee w’as suggested 
to visit him at headquarters and in conjunction with him effect such 


36 


MAKING A NATION 


changes as might mutually be advantageous to the service and the cause. 
This created hot discussion. It was urged that Washington’s influence 
was already too great; that his virtues had too high an appeal, that 
he was almost a dictator; that Congress itself might be put to his 
mercy, and finally that it was not safe to expose even a man of his 
high integrity and character to such temptations. 

While Washington was beset with these perplexities the mill of 
the Gods was grinding out peculiar plans. Benjamin Franklin had 
been sent to France. His mission was to secure this nation as an 
ally and to procure soldiers, ships and a financial loan. TLTe states¬ 
men of that nation \vere astute and wise. They could not, how’ever, 
rise superior to the plain democratic bluntness of this honest democrat. 
Franklin spent years in his task. While American arms were weak 
and unsuccessful, France hesitated. It was her policy to do every¬ 
thing that might weaken her heriditary foe, England, but she did 
not want to take on a task that might m.ean added burdens without 
due compensation to herself. As soon as Washington had gained 
some victories and it appeared to France that the Colonies with help 
might win, she decided to give the much longed for aid. But it was so 
long delayed in finally coming, that it was almost useless. Subsequent 
history proved that the motives of Louis Sixteenth and his ministers 
were mixed. It was not so much that he loved America or desired 
to see a victory to a republic, but it was from that hatred of Great 
Britain that had animated France for centuries. France too, felt that 
if she aided America to win she might eventually add these rich 
possessions to her domain or otherwise rule and control this vast 
territory, a part of which she once claimed as her own. Whatever the 
motive the help when it came proved of great value to the revolutionary 
cause. It brought to America many eminent soldiers. Among these 
was the Marquis de Lafayette, who proved an invaluable aid to 
Washington and to whom the Americal general became fondly at¬ 
tached. 

The arrival of the foreign soldiers also brought sorrows to 
Washington. Congress immediately began a sj^stem of favoring the 
foreigners in the matter of appointments that caused great bitterness 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


37 


among the local officers and came near disrupting the American army. 
Washington was compelled to protest although he did so in a very 
diplomatic manner. In the light of known history it seems incredible 
that Washington could have stood up under these many griefs. He 
was wealthy. He had a superb estate. He had won honor and dis¬ 
tinction such as had rarely ever before been allotted to one man. 
He might have retired and still have had a great place in the annals 
of his countr3\ But his love of liberty and his devotion to country 
outweighed bitterness, the supineness of Congress, plots of enemies, 
defeat, despair and even pride, because as long as the great issue was 
doubtful, he felt that he had been called to lead his nation in the 
momentous struggle for Independence. 

Then came the treachery of Benedict Arnold. That arch traitor 
for English money and recognition, planned to deliver West Point to 
the foe. It was foiled through the capture of Major Andre. When 
the news of this tragic event reached Washington it came quite near 
breaking his heart for he trusted Arnold although he knew the latter 
possessed of many faults and shortcomings. The great burning regret 
of every man in the American army was the fact that Arnold escaped 
to reap the reward of his treason while poor Andre was left to suffer 
the ignominious fate of a spy. 

Andre was permitted the privilege of a court martial trial 
which Washington need not have granted him. Andre was a 
most engaging man. His manners were noble, his personal char¬ 
acter fine and at his trial he told the truth. He had come 
with money to bribe an American general. He was in disguise. 
He was caught within the lines of the enemy. He came at 
a time when England through its officials was using every means 
to corrupt loyal Americans. Alexander Hamilton, whom Washington 
loved; Lafeyette, whom Washington admired and respected, and many 
others, came to Washington with the most delicate and heartrending 
pleas on behalf of Andre. Hygh Wynne, a loyal American but a good 
friend of the young English officer, came to Washington and offered 
at the risk of his life to go into New York, to which place Arnold 
had fled, and to capture the traitor and bring him back to the camp 


38 


MAKING A NATION 


of Washington for punishment, if Washington would mitigate the 
sentence imposed on Major Andre. With tearful eye and trembling 
lip Washington denied every application for mercy. Washington 
felt that in the state of the country, that it would be utterly unsafe 
to stand in the way of the execution of the laws of war. Andre was 
a spy. That he was noble and brave, that the arch criminal had 
escaped had nothing to do with the case. He stood like a rock. A 
final plea was made that Andre be shot but the judgment of the court 
martial was that he was a spy and that his punishment should be the 
gallows—and hanged he was. I have no hesitation in saying that 
had the guilty one been a beloved friend or Washington’s own son, 
that his fate would have been the same. Andre met his fate like a 
brave gentlemen, though at the final moment he shuddered when he 
saw the gibbet and the noose, as he had hoped that he might have 
been shot like a soldier and not hanged as a criminal. Even in 
America the fate of Andre aroused much pity. In England it raised 
a furore of disgust and hatred against Washington. One poet said: 

“With horror shalt thou meet the fate thou gave 
Nor pity gild the darkness of thy grave 
For infamy with livid hands shall shed 
Eternal mildew on thy ruthless head.” 

Washington sometimes, making as many as twenty moves ahead, 
got Cornwallis in a wedge from which he could not escape and 
accepted his surrender. This did not officially end the war but 
George Third at last was made to see the utter hopelessness of a 
further continuance of the struggle. The victory at Yorktown, 
Virginia, brought the capture of over 7,CXX) men, a large amount 
of booty while about a thousand were killed and many more wounded 
on both sides, in the bloody struggle that preceded surrender. The 
day after. Lord Cornwallis called at Washington’s headquarters to 
pay his respects and take his orders. It is needless to say that the 
American received the Englishman with rare courtesy, dined him and 
wined him and even at the banquet offered a toast to the bravery 
and gallantry of the late foe. All the officers of the British army 
were invited to the banquet but Colonel Tarlton. He was purposely 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


39 


omitted and when he indignantly asked the reason for such disgrace 
before the eyes of his associate officers and men, he was told that it 
was because he had practiced needless cruelties in the campaign in 
the Carolinas. 

Cornwallis said that he felt that Yorktown would end the strife 
because he did not think that his majesty would send over another 
army and that soon, late enemies would embrace each other as friends. 
Cornwallis was graceful enough in his remarks to pay a high tribute 
to Washington for his achievements. Washington had treated his 
vanquished foe in such manner as to make of him a life long friend. 

This great event caused profound rejoicing throughout America 
and deep gloom in England, though there were many Britons who 
secretly were happy that America had won. 

King George said that the Americans were a set of wretched 
knaves and that he was glad to be rid of them. The King still had a 
remnant of power and a motion made in parliament on a petition to 
the King to stop the war, lost by a single vote. But the people through 
public opinion let the administration know that it was sick and tired 
of the conflict, and the ministry of war fell and with it the personal 
power of King George. Henceforth in England public opinion would 
govern and not a capricious, stubborn tyrant. 

Yorktown was a memorable day for Washington. His Job-like 
patience had been rewarded and in his victory over Cornwallis he had 
led the men who had freezed and starved with him at Valley Forge. 
He had triumphed over foe without and traitor within. Those who 
had condemned, now fawned on him. He was unmoved by hostility 
nor was he elated by flattery. His mind turned to the future. He 
knew that other battles were at hand in his own nation to preserve 
the fruits of victory won on the battle field. 

Though the war was over official peace was distant. No one 
can understand the interminable delay, the secret conniving, the 
diplomatic obstructions thrown in the path of those responsible for the 
acceptance, adoption and ratification of a treaty of peace. Here is 
where France showed that after all the wolf could adorn himself in 
clothing of the sheep. France had an alliance with America. She 


40 


MAKING A NATION 


also had one with Spain. Spain was hostile to the Colonies. England 
still had visions that something might turn up whereby she could 
effect some sort of relation with America or exact more rigorous terms 
of peace. France felt that she could play on American gratitude and 
in the end compel our nation to accept commercial and political 
domination. She really did exact a pledge that no treaty of peace 
with England should be made until the terms had been submitted to 
and approved by her. 

Franklin, our envoy to France, was clever. He beguiled the French 
commissioners at the English Court, in bringing about that treaty 
which finally was adopted and signed September 3, 1783. Thereupon 
Washington took leave of his officers, in a scene most affectionate, 
and resigning his commission to Congress, which he did December 4 
of that same year, retiring to Mt. Vernon with all the simplicity of a 
private citizen. With great exactitude he placed his accounts before 
Congress in a business-like manner, charging only that which he had 
expended and utterly refusing to include a single dollar as pa^^ment 
for the services rendered throughout the entire War of the Revolution. 

When Washington returned to Mt. Vernon after eight years of 
most exacting public service, he felt that his reward was at hand, that 
of passing the remainder of his days in the enjoyments of his home 
and family. 

The pressing necessities of war over, the people of the several 
colonies reverted to their individual ways of thinking and acting. 
Though America had won independence she had not achieved 
harmony or real union. Under the articles of Confederation the 
nation had no head. It had but a Congress destitute of power. It 
could pass laws but had no authority or power to compel obedience. 
It might appropriate money but could not make the citizen pay the 
same. It might ask soldiers to defend the country^ but it could not 
draft them into service. Not only every colony but all people were 
heavily in debt. Coin, both gold and silver were scarce. Paper 
currency had no standard of value and one state refused to accept 
the paper of another for payment of debts. States quarreled with 
others over boundary lines. The Colonies were getting into such a 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


41 


State of hostility that those, who but lately fought side by side as 
brothers, were ready to break forth in armed conflict against each 
other. Washington watched all this in sorrow. To many his word 
was law. He wrote to prominent men in every commonwealth and 
began the systematic preparation of public opinion for the formation 
of some stable form of government, which should safeguard the people 
in the preservation of the liberty which had been so dearly won. 

If the Colonies began independence with strife among them¬ 
selves, the treatment accorded America by foreign nations was still 
worse. France, Spain, England and even pirates of the Barbary 
Coast treated us with disdain. England and France vied with each 
other in preying on our commerce, and sinking our ships upon any 
pretext, and pirates murdered our seamen and seized our cargoes and 
flaunted our weakness in our face. These pirates even offered to 
cease their operations if we w’ould pay a million dollars tribute. 
Congress could not pay the million and could not fight, and outrages 
continued. 

Out of the claims of Virginia, Connecticut, Pennsylvania and 
New York to the territory west of the Ohio, and the objection 
thereto by the smaller states of Rhode Island, Maryland, New Jersey 
and Delaware, arose the germ of that big thought already in the mind 
of Washington and Hamilton for a great and powerful union of all 
the states. It was suggested that all this territory be surrendered to 
the United States and held by the national government for the benefit 
of all the nation. From 1780 to 1785 the idea gradually took root 
and at a meeting of delegates from all the states, held for the purpose 
of discussing uniform rules for commerce, was evolved the idea of 
a general meeting of delegates from all the states. This was sub¬ 
mitted to Congress but did not meet wdth favor. 

Finally a Federal convention did meet at Philadelphia May, 1787, 
and out of this grew the present Constitution of the United States. 
Washington presided, the deliberations were secret. The world knows 
the result. It was not finally adopted nor did it become the law of the 
land until ratified by all the thirteen states. The biggest fight against 
ratification was made in Virginia, where even Patrick Henry fought 


42 


MAKING A NATION 


his bitter and losing fight. It took all of Hamilton’s power to compel 
ratification in New^ York but finally eleven of the states did ratify and 
the constitution was proclaimed the supreme law of the land in 1788, 
though Rhode Island and North Carolina did not come in until several 
months after Washington had been chosen first President of the new 
Republic. It was decided to have the seat of government at New 
York. Washington was inducted into office April 30, 1789, and as 
he took the oath of office a great multitude of people shouted: “Long 
live George Washington, President of the United States.” 

His inaugural address breathed a high spirit of patriotism, a deep 
sense of obligation and responsibility and a reliance upon Almighty 
God for guidance. Upon taking office he was in the same relative 
position he was when 15 years before he had assumed command 
of the Revolutionary Army. Everything was to be done and there 
was nothing with which to operate. He had no cabinet, no money 
in the treasury. The nation had no credit. There were the ever present 
Indian troubles and truth to tell the various states held aloof in chilly 
fashion, quite willing to see how the ship of state thus launched, could 
sail upon the troubled waters and sail alone. Washington was no 
partizan, so he selected his cabinet without bias, striving only to 
secure the services of the men best fitted to serve the nation. He was 
the great unifier and pacifier. He brought the nation together in a 
common purpose. 

Among those selected for the Cabinet were Thomas Jefferson, 
who had served as Ambassador to France and who had been in the 
very center of the earlier French struggle for liberty, and Alexander 
Hamilton, who had fought gallantly in the War of the Revolution. 
Washington had presided over the deliberations of the Constitutional 
Convention. He had listened to the debates. It was plain to a brain 
less potent than his, that two schools of political thought had been 
born of that forensic struggle. One lead by Hamilton favoring a 
strong central government; another vehemently asserting the rights 
of the Individual state. Alexander Hamilton was for a powerful 
Federal Union. Jefferson, though not in the Convention, applauded 
its work but stood stoutly and sincerely for certain amendments which 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


43 


he maintained were necessary for the preservation of popular rights. 
Hamilton did not think the Constitution possessed sufficient strength; 
Jeffierson held it contained too much. Hamilton was keener in 
intellectual power, Jefferson more adroit—Hamilton led leaders, Jef¬ 
ferson the masses. Washington very early saw the rise of partizanship 
and felt that particularly in the early days of a constitutional re¬ 
public, that party feeling should be suppressed. He greatly respected 
the genius of Jefferson, but he dearly loved and trusted the impetuous 
Hamilton. He chose Jefferson as Secretary of State and trusted him 
to manage foreign affairs. He made Hamilton Secretary of the 
Treasury. The latter appointment was fully justified. In a short 
time Hamilton had devised a system of finance that restored credit 
and placed the fiscal affairs of the Republic on a safe and secure founda¬ 
tion. But friction between these two developed very early and their 
differences on vital issues caused Washington many uneasy hours. 
Many matters were presented by Washington for the action of 
Congress, national defense, relations with foreign powers, defraying 
expense of diplomatic agents, laws for naturalization, uniformity in 
the currency, advancement of commerce, agriculture and manufac¬ 
tures, post office and post roads, measures for public education and 
health and measures for the support of the public credit. 

At the war’s close the public debt was forty-two million, the 
major portion of which was due to officers and soldiers, farmers who 
had furnished supplies, and capitalists who had advanced their entire 
fortunes for the continuance of the war. We owed some millions 
to France, Spain and Holland. Many openly favored repudiation. 
Hamilton advocated assumption of our war debts by the National 
Government and in the face of a most determined opposition carried 
his point. 

According to Washington Irving, Volume III, Life of Wash¬ 
ington : 

“Two rival papers existed at the seat of government; one was 
Fenno’s Gazette of the United States, in which John Adams had 
published his “Discourses on Davila”; the other was the National 
Gazette, edited by Philip Frenau. Frenau had been editor of the 


44 


MAKING A NATION 


New York Daily Advertiser, but had come to Philadelphia in the 
autumn of 1791 to occupy the post of translating clerk in Mr. Jeffer¬ 
son’s office, and had almost immediately (Oct. 31) published the 
first number of his Gazette. Notwithstanding his situation in the 
office of the Secretary of State, Frenau became and continued to be 
throughout the session, a virulent assailant of most of the measures 
of government; excepting such as originated with Mr. Jefferson, or 
were approved by him.” 

In his silent campaign Jefferson encouraged statements claiming 
that Hamilton and others entertained a design to subvert the Republic 
and establish a monarchy in the United States. Washington told 
Jefferson that he felt such an accusation had been carried a great deal 
too far. Jefferson was rather indifferent over the matter, though 
Hamilton had charged the impropriety of Jefferson’s attitude in being 
the patron of a paper, whose editor was an employee by appointment 
of the Secretary of State, and whose daily editorials villified measures 
which had been adopted by both House and Senate and had been 
approved by the President, while at the same time Jefferson held his 
cabinet portfolio at the hands of such Chief Magistrate of the Nation. 
Jefferson gave little heed to Washington’s protest. He scorned 
Hamilton’s charge, openly stated that Frenau’s articles were doing 
great good and retained Frenau in his position. But he did deny that 
he had ever furnished Frenau with writings of his own or had procured 
the writing of any material, though he did admit in the early conduct 
of the Journal that he had supplied certain foreign papers out of which 
Frenau had extracted copy, 

Washington tried to effect a reconciliation between these two 
men. Hamilton was rather willing but Jefferson held aloof. He 
really believed that Hamilton was a political corruptionist. In spite 
of these conflicts in Washington’s official family, the first four years 
of Washington’s administration as President witnessed the accom¬ 
plishment of great good to the nation. The National Capitol, mean¬ 
while, had been removed to Philadelphia. 

Washington had little desire to serve a second term, but he was 
forced to permit his name to be used as a candidate to succeed himself. 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


45 


No one dared oppose him. He was the unanimous choice of the people. 

One cannot pass over the second administration of Washington 
without alluding briefly to the Genet affair. TThis person arrived at 
Charleston, S. C., as Minister Plenipotentiary from France. He was 
hailed with delight by all followers of Jeffersonian thought. Jefferson 
himself rather encouraged Genet for a while. The impetuous French¬ 
man in a short time after his landing and before he had even presented 
his credentials to the President, began to sign commissions of privatiers 
who from American ports might make war against the Commerce of 
England. Washington asked for advice from the Cabinet. Jefferson 
thought it good policy to take sides with France. Hamilton objected 
to any stand save that of strict neutrality. 

Feeling ran very high over the refusal of the Administration to 
break the existing policy of neutrality and come out affirmatively for 
France. John Adams, Vice President, wrote: 

“Ten thousand people, day after day, in the streets of Phila¬ 
delphia, threaten to drag Washington out of his house and effect a 
revolution of the Government or compel it to declare in favor of 
France and against England.” 

This was a direct result of the intense sympathy aroused by 
Jefferson for France. 

Genet went very far and when certain acts of his were set aside, 
he threatened to appeal from the decision of President Washington, 
to the people as a whole. Even Jefferson became aroused at such 
impertinent presumption. Genet’s recall was demanded and he went 
back to France somewhat crestfallen over the failure of his wily scheme 
to involve the United States in war with England. 

After Genet had been uncovered in his notorious and wicked 
designs, the people at large began to appreciate the wisdom of Wash¬ 
ington and Hamilton. At first America seemed to entertain a rich 
sympathy with the French struggle for liberty. All this was turned 
to horror when the excesses of the Reign of Terror became known to 
the world. After he had been recalled it was discovered that Genet 
had issued commissions to Kentuckians to outfit expeditions against 
New Orleans and Spanish possessions. Another was a commission to 


46 


MAKING A NATION 


men of Georgia to organize an expedition against Florida. He was 
thus a very mischievious and busy person, the brevity of whose visit 
was its only merit. 

Jefferson had decided to give up his post at the head of the State 
Department and Hamilton likewise retired in order to retrieve the 
fortune dissipated in the public service. Jay had been sent to England 
to negotiate a new treaty which was necessary, as many violent con¬ 
flicts had arisen over commercial rights and England’s violation of 
the law of nations on the high seas. The treaty came to Washington 
and was laid before the Senate. Washington gave the treaty deep 
study. Some of its provisions were entirely satisfactory and some 
were distasteful. But, on the whole it was advantageous and he 
approved it and after absorbing debate, it was, with an amendment, 
ratified by two-thirds vote of the Senate. The apparently sudden 
outburst of popular hostility showed that predetermined opposition 
was but obeying plans to foil the administration. In an address to 
the people of Boston, Washington said: 

“No stone has been unturned that could impress on the mind 
of the people the most arrant misrepresentation of the facts; that 
their rights have not only been neglected, but absolutely sold; that 
there are no reciprocal advantages in the treaty; that the treaty is 
made with the design to oppress France.” 

It was a crisis that called for wise and temperate, but firm 
decision and he concluded: 

“There is but one straight course, to seek truth and pursue it 
steadily.” ’ ’ 

The treaty prevailed, though England did all she could to make 
Washington’s task the more difficult. 

France was highly indignant over the recall of Genet and 
promptly demanded the recall of Morris, who then represented the 
United States in France. James Monroe of Virginia was sent to 
replace him. Monroe was a disciple of Jefferson and was imbued 
with even a more idolatrous worship of French ideals than Jefferson. 
Monroe was instructed to proceed with great caution. He disregarded 
his instructions and showed such public sympathy with the officials 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


47 


of the French regime as to violate not only the letter but the leal 
spirit of his instruction. He merely ran in unison with popular feeling 
in France without regard to the effect of his conduct on the fortunes 
of his own country. Rightly or wrongly he misconceived the duty of 
his great position and even went so far as to let France know that 
Washington was not in sympathy with France but that there w'ould 
soon be another election which might result in the selection of a Presi¬ 
dent more favorable to the cause of France. In spite of the popular 
feeling for France in the United States, Washington had the moral 
courage to recall Mr. Monroe. That gentlemen returned to America 
and immediately prepared and published a 500-page pamphlet in 
w'hich he attacked Washington and defended himself. 

Campaiging had already begun for president. Many grew 
anxious, fearing that Washington w-ould be prevailed on to run for 
a third term. These knew that if he consented that he w^ould be 
elected. But Washington had not the slightest intention to permit 
the use of his name. He had been reluctant to accept a second term. 
At that time he had secured the services of James Madison to round 
out a farew’ell address wdiich he proposed to issue to his countrymen 
but it w-as laid aside. He brought it forth and saw that it was not 
wholly applicable to present conditions. He thereupon wrote another 
and asked Alexander Hamilton to prepare it and put it in shape to 
be delivered to the Congress and by that body released to the voters 
of the nation. His definite conclusion to set aside this mighty honor 
which could have been his by mere assent on his part, established 
a precedent that was of great service to the cause of popular gov¬ 
ernment. The great note in this farew^all address was the value of 
the union of the states, the ruin that might be wrought by factional 
bitterness, the preservation of the public credit, a great w^arning 
against the insidious wiles of foreign nations and an admon¬ 
ition to steer clear of permanent foreign alliances, and he concluded 
wdth an appeal to God to still further extend his Providential care 
that the virtue and happiness of the people might be preserved. It 
w’as a noble state paper. It w-as just such a final supreme effort as 
could only have come from Washington. 


48 


MAKING A NATION 


Both House and Senate adopted resolutions reflecting the con¬ 
fidence of the nation, approved his administration and sought in every 
way to show the gratitude of a whole people. 

In the Senate, Mr. Giles of Virginia, objected to some portions of 
the Senate resolutions. He moved to expunge such parts of the resolu¬ 
tion as eulogized the administration and those parts which alluded to 
the wisdom and firmness of Washington and that expressed regret at 
his retirement from office. Mr. Giles said he disapproved of the Pres¬ 
ident’s manner of conducting our foreign relations and that Washing¬ 
ton’s lack of wisdom had conducted the nation to a great crisis which 
threatened calamity. He quite boldly proclaimed that he did not regret 
the President’s retirement, that he hoped he would retire. Among the 
12 men who voted with him was Andrew Jackson from Tennessee, 
who afterwards, following a most turbulent and violent life, became 
a President of the United States. This one jarring note did not 
disturb the calm dignity of Washington and it was softened by the 
arrival of testimonials from all the State Legislatures and other 
public bodies, all of which vied with each other in tendering affection¬ 
ate tributes to the retiring official. The great and good man had 
presented his farewell address in ample time so that the country 
would not in a mistaken sense of obligation to him, press him for a 
third term and so that the political atmosphere could clear and those 
ambitious for public honor might fully know that his decision to go 
into private life, was unalterable. From that time on he counted the 
hours when he might lay down the cares of office. So on March 4, 
1797, he stood by and saw John Adams sworn in as his successor. 
Even then the people made him the central figure, much to the chagrin 
of the new President. He returned to Mt. Vernon as quickly as was 
possible and from there wrote to his friend Oliver Wolcott, who, as 
Secretary of the Treasury, was still acting on “the great theater.” 
He adverts but briefly to public affairs. “For myself,” adds he, 
exultingly, “having turned aside from the broad walks of political 
into the narrow paths of private life, I shall leave it with those 
whose duty it is to consider subjects of this sort, and, as every good 
citizen ought to do, conform to whatsoever the ruling powers shall 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


49 


decide. 1 o make and sell a little Hour annually, to repair houses 
going fast to ruin, to build one for the security of my papers of a 
public nature, and to amuse myself in agriculture and rural pursuits, 
will constitute employment for the few years I have to remain on 
this terrestrial globe.” 

In the face of this almost sublime life, this record of patrotic 
devotion, the “Aurora” a newspaper printed at Philadelphia, March 
7th, I797> published the following: 

“The man who is the source of all the misfortunes of our country, 
is this day reduced to a level with his fellow-citizens, and is no longer 
possessed of power to multiply evils upon the United States. If ever 
there was a period for rejoicing, this is the moment; every heart in 
unison with the freedom and happiness of the people, ought to beat 
high with exultation that (the name of Washington, from this day, 
ceases to give a currency to political iniquity, and to legalize corrup¬ 
tion). A new era is now opening upon us, an era which promises 
much to the people; for public measures must now stand upon their 
own merits, and nefarious projects can no longer be supported by a 
name. When a retrospect is taken of Washington’s administration 
for eight years, it is a subject of the greatest astonishment that a 
single individual should have cankered the principles of republicanism 
in an enlightened people, just emerging from the gulf of despotism, and 
should have carried his designs against the public liberty so far as to 
have put in jeopardy its very existence. Such, however, are the 
facts, and with with these staring us in the face, this day ought to 
be a JUBILEE in the United States.” 

There were those who could not think popular government could 
survive. They met in secret and formed a conspiracy to overturn 
the Republic and transform the United States of America into a 
monarchy. When their plans were ripe they approached George 
Washington and offered him the croum. He set it aside and bitterly 
rebuked the men for their perfidy to the Republic. Caesar was thrice 
offered a king’s crown, “Which he did thrice refuse,” each refusal 
growing weaker. A crown was offered Washington but once. The 
tempters never had a second opportunity. 


50 


MAKING A NATION 


Great as was Washington’s early service in business, industrial 
and civil life, splendid, but not spectacular as were his accomplish¬ 
ments as a member of legislative bodies, safe, sane and conserva¬ 
tive as was his conduct of the Presidency, I incline to the opinion that 
the highest service rendered to America and the world was when 
with singular devotion to the cause of popular and representative 
government he refused to consider a kingly crown. His own con¬ 
temporaries may not have realized the true sigificance of the act, but 
in the light of subsequent history it was a supreme moment in world 
progress. Having won the econonium “First in War” and “First in 
Peace,” he now became also “First in the hearts of his countrymen”. 
No changing tide of national fortune can rob him of this distinction. 
His life and deeds are a proud national heritage, and until the end 
of time will form a part of the unperishable glory of the republic. 

Washington was almost uncanny in his judgment of the real 
value of men. He made no errors of judgment in his Cabinet, none in 
his local appointments, and wdth a few exceptions, his selection of the 
members of our diplomatic corps paved the way for that respect and 
esteem in which our young nation was soon held by foreign pow’ers. 

The jingoist, the pessimist and the partizan politician today 
delight in quoting Washington’s farewell address as the one conclu¬ 
sive argument why our country should stand aloft in passive con¬ 
templation at the agony of mankind, remaining in a proud and splen¬ 
did isolation. In those days our remoteness was our protection and 
defense. Conditions have changed. There is no distance and no bar¬ 
riers between nations. But a few hours and we are in close touch with 
China, Patagonia or South Africa. A European conflict widened 
in scope, until in self-defense, we were compelled to enter upon the side 
of righteousness and eternal justice, the great war over years of tragic 
peace, has proved we may not perform our national mission and stand 
alone. Not only for moral but political and economic reasons, we 
must play our part and bravely assume each and every obligation 
incident to a leadership which the nations have put upon us. If 
alive today, Washington and Lincoln too, would be in the vanguard 
of those who uncompromisingly favor America’s masterful drive for 
disarmament, peace and world justice. 


GEORGE WASHINGTON 


51 


The immortal spirits of Washington and Lincoln are today 
knocking at the door of public opinion in the United States demand¬ 
ing approval of any sane policy which shall provide American co¬ 
operation in any safe effort to co-operate toward the peace of the 
world. We may not allow national selfishness to govern our relations 
to the peoples of the world. Should we sit by snugly, hugging gold 
to our breast, we merit the contempt of mankind. We shame Wash¬ 
ington, Lincoln, Roosevelt. History will record that all patriotic 
sacrifice has been vain and it may be that civilization will perish 
from the face of the earth and chaos reign supreme. 









Benjamin Franklin 


M y highest ambition in life is to foster and inspire a more 
profound study, among the youth of America, of the lives of 
Washington, Jefferson, Adams, Alexander Hamilton and the 
other great men of our own nation. Among those who have directed 
and influenced national thought and action, none have a more profound 
appeal or a higher distinction than Benjamin Franklin. If George 
Washington was the Soldier, Jefferson the Pen, Hamilton the Consti¬ 
tutional Intellect, Patrick Henry the Eloquent Voice, Benedict 
Arnold the Traitor, certain it is that Benjamin Franklin was the 
philosopher of the Revolution. Hamilton was ambitious to create 
strength in central government—Jefferson sought the development of 
unchecked popular rule. Each was personally ambitious—Washington 
and Franklin of all the outstanding public men of that period were 
alike devoid of self-seeking ambition or power. Each was called to 
action, each was guided solely by a desire to serve and neither shirked 
responsibility incident to their call to public duty. Both developed and 
rose to the imperative need of every occasion. Each served long and 
worthily. Each passed away in the full confidence and love of a grate¬ 
ful nation, while Jefferson and Adams died almost forgotten and 
Hamilton while revered, in his untimely taking off, had lost power, 
prestige and political distinction. 

This dedication of self in Franklin to service was made holy by 
a profound faith in the Providence of God. This was all the more 
remiarkable because Benjamin Franklin lived in an epoch noted for its 
doubt of and rebellion against all precedent both in religion and 
politics. Washington, Hamilton, John Adams, like Franklin, all had 
faith in the Almighty, while Jefferson, Monroe and Aaron Burr were 
non-committal, coy and doubtful of the need of religion as an inspira¬ 
tion to the conscience and conduct of men. Thomas Paine, another 
great mind of that day and age, was the open fee of all religion and 
the disciple of infidelity in its most affirmative and violent form. This 
indifference to religion was manifest in the Convention which had 


54 


MAKING A NATION 


when the delegates wasted time in bitter discussion, in the presentation 
of quibbling objections. In discussing this, Franklin said: 

“How has it happened, sir, that we have not hitherto once thought 
of humbly applying to the Father of Lights to illuminate our under¬ 
standings? In the beginning of the Contest with Britain when we 
were sensible of danger, we had daily prayers in this room for the 
Divine protection. Our prayers, sir, were heard and graciously 
answered. All of us who were engaged in the struggle must have 
observed frequent instances of a superintending Providence in cur 
favor. To that kind Providence we owe this happy opportunity of 
consulting in Peace on the means of establishing our future national 
felicity. And have we now forgotten that powerful friend ? Or do 
we imagine we no longer need His assistance? I have lived, sir, a 
long time and the longer I live the more convincing proofs I see of 
this truth and that is that God governs in the affairs of men and if a 
sparrow cannot fall to the ground without His notice, is it probable 
that an empire can rise without His aid ?” 

At another time in referring to his non-attendance at church 
services he wrote: “Had he been in my opinion, a good preacher, 
perhaps I might have continued, notwithstanding the occasion I had 
for the Sunday’s leisure in my course of study, but his discourses were 
chiefly either polemic arguments or explications of the peculiar doctrines 
of our sect and were all to me very dry, uninteresting and unedifying, 
since not a single moral principle was inculcated or enforced. Their 
aim seems rather to make us church members than good citizens. 
I, however, never was without some religious principles. I never 
doubted for instance the existence of the Diety, that He made the 
world and governed it by His Providence, that the most acceptable 
service of God was the doing good to man, that our souls are immortal, 
and that all crime will be punished and virtue rewarded either here 
or hereafter. These I esteemed the essentials of every religion.’’ Later 
in life he was regular in church attendance and urged others to attend 
divine service even if they did not personally like the preacher. 

It has been fashionable for the all-powerful leaders of men to 


BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 


55 


ignore God. The most glaring example of this was at Paris in 1918, 
when, after an allied victory, when the statesmen of France, England, 
Belgium, Japan and the United States mset to settle upon a treaty of 
Peace with its inseparable League of Nations. For weary months, in 
dark closets and secret chambers, these diplomats met. They re¬ 
mapped the world. They upset empires, they took and gave, they 
compromised and connived. They tore at each other’s throats in their 
rapacious zeal for national supremacy. They ignored the lessons of 
yesterday, the conflicts of tomorrow. They took thought only of the 
hour of victory, of the spoils to be divided. They rewarded the cun¬ 
ning and adroit and took from the weak. They had not yet learned 
that war was no longer the sport of Kings and autocrats; they failed 
to see that either in victory or defeat armed conflict was the tragedy 
of plain people. The lesson of slaughtered boys, empty breasts, starv¬ 
ing babes, pestilence, famine and millions of idle men in every land 
was lost upon the Paris Conclave. In those weary months of bitter¬ 
ness and wrangling, not once was mentioned the great beloved name 
of God. Their wisdom, their super-confldence in their own supreme 
power was all sufficient. They felt that they did not need God, and 
so feeling they failed. They did not serve their own nor the other 
nations of the World. 

In 1921 cur President called a World Conclave. It opened with 
a prayer to God, so sublime in character, that within twenty-four 
hours God and the World heard it. It awoke the sleeping conscience 
of all peoples. That later conference, relying upon the Providence 
of God, as did Benjamin Franklin, has succeeded. It has turned 
nations from fear and suspicion to hope, confidence and mutual good 
will. It has cut from jingoists their props for armed conflict. That 
Conclave has started mankind firmly upon the pathway of universal 
Peace. This cooperation of God with man does not necessarily imply 
any admixture of State and Church. It has no sectarian or dogmatic 
trend. It merely yields mental and spiritual domination to Divine 
Intelligence and recognizes the dependence of mortal mind upon the 
supreme source of love and wisdom. 


56 


MAKING A NATION 


Franklin’s lather, a poor, but superior sort of a man, designed 
his son Benjamin to be a maker of soap and candles. The sea allured 
the boy. Franklin, ^senior, thereupon apprenticed Benjamin to his 
brother who was a printer and publisher in Boston. He was to serve 
his brother at this trade until he was twenty-one. He w’as eleven years 
old then. From Benjamin’s own memoirs it would appear that his 
elder brother, though in the main kindly disposed, was a rather cruel 
master, occasionally beating his younger brother severely. Wages 
were small and the apprentice saved a little by agreeing, for a smaller 
eating allowance, to feed himself. He resorted to a vegetarian diet 
and boarded himself somewhat cheaper. With his savings he bought 
books. He tried his hand at writing. The boy did not dare reveal 
this to his brother, so he wrote his efforts in a disguised hand and 
slipped them secretly underneath the entrance door of the shop. To 
his intense delight, he beheld some of these early efforts in print and 
had the greater satisfaction of hearing customers speak of his writings 
in terms of praise. In every instance the work was attributed to well 
known and distinguished citizens. This greatly encouraged the 
youngster and as he himself tells, he continued to scribble all the rest 
of his busy life. 

He became an uncommonly efficient printer, but was only able to 
secure journeyman’s wages the last years of service. Fie even wrote 
a poem or two, wretched stuff, so highly ridiculed by Franklin’s father 
that he himself says, “So I escaped being a poet, most probably a very 
bad one, my father telling me that most verse makers were generally 
beggars.” Self analysis was a quality possessed by Franklin from his 
earliest youth. He taught himself to think, reason, conclude and per¬ 
suade. Each step was advanced upon a clear development and his 
mental expansion is easily perceived in the nature and character of 
the work performed. 

In 1720 James Franklin, the master, having returned from Eng¬ 
land with type and press, began the publication of the New England 
Courant, which history proves was the fourth newspaper to be pub¬ 
lished on the Continent. Fifty years later there were only twenty. 


BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 


57 


Benjamin set up the matter in type and then acted as news carrier 
through the streets to the subscribers. The disputes between the 
brothers were occasionally serious and, carried before their father, 
were settled sometimes in favor of James and sometimes for Benjamin. 

At this time Benjamin was casting his thought upon some way 
or means to shorten his apprenticeship. The law was rigorous and 
any breach of a binding-out of this kind was severely dealt with. There 
was no such thing in 1720, or even years later, as freedom of the press 
in the Colonies. Governors were appointed by the Crown and assem¬ 
blies sat at the will and pleasure of these royal appointees, though 
later in life Franklin disputed the legality of this proposition. James 
had printed and published in his paper an article which gave of¥ense 
to the Assembly. He was arrested, and upon trial was convicted and 
sentenced to a term in prison. Franklin was hailed before the council 
and examined. They did not find him guilty, but gave him rebuke 
and dismissed him. In spite of the evil treatment of his brother, 
Benjamin was very loyal, revealed no secret, and though young, man¬ 
aged his brother’s paper while the latter served his prison term. Upon 
the discharge of the prisoner he was served with an order that “James 
Franklin should no longer print the paper called the New England 
Courant.” 

This proved serious and brought about a plan whereby Benjamin 
was to conduct the paper in his own name. James decided, that in 
order to avoid a possible claim that his apprentice should not be per¬ 
mitted to conduct a newspaper, that he would return Benjamin’s 
indenture, upon the back of which should be executed a full and com¬ 
plete discharge. It was covertly agreed that the apprentice should 
execute a new indenture for the remainder of his term and that this 
was to be kept secret. Benjamin became a party to this illegal trans¬ 
action, confessing its wrongfulness and nominating it a “very flimsy 
scheme.” After successfully conducting the Courant for some months, 
James began new tyrannies against his younger brother. Benjamin 
admits that he acted unjustly but he refused to submit to the wrongs 
inflicted by James and asserted his freedom, rather defying the elder 


58 


MAKING A NATION 


Franklin to produce this fraudulent indenture of apprenticeship. The 
brothers parted. James was most vindictive, however, for he black¬ 
listed Benjamin. He went to every printing shop in Boston and told 
such stories about his brother that none would give emplo)’ment to the 
slandered youth. Finding that there was no work to be had in Boston, 
he resolved to emigrate to Philadelphia, at which town he arrived 
after a perilous and adventurous voyage. Here he secured first occa¬ 
sional and then regular work at his trade. Sir Wm. Keith was 
Governor of Pennsylvania and his attention was in some way directed 
to the youth. They met and Keith made Franklin alluring offers of 
financial aid toward the establishment of a shop. According to the 
Governor, the other printing establishm.ents were wretchedly con¬ 
ducted. After an absence of half a year, Franklin returned to Boston 
on a visit and was cordially received by every member of his family 
except his brother James, who looked over the well-dressed youth, 
turned on his heel and went back to his type setting. 

Franklin shortly thereafter returned to Philadelphia, met Gover¬ 
nor Keith, who renewed his promise of financial aid, and suggested 
that Franklin visit England to purchase rightly what he needed and 
make proper connections for stationery and necessary supplies. 

The Governor cruelly hoaxed Benjamin, for he gave him neither 
money nor letters of credit, and through a combination of deceptions 
the lad was persuaded to make the voyage to London, where he was 
quickly undeceived out of any hope of accomplishing his mission. He 
went to work burdened with the self-imposed obligation of supporting 
a ne’er-do-well American who had made the trip on the same vessel. 
At Watt’s printing shop near Lincoln’s Inn Fields, he labored among 
guzzling journeymen who daily consumed enough beer to float the 
English navy. The guild adopted a tax of five shillings per week for 
drinking money to be paid by each workman whether he drank or 
abstained. Franklin, backed by the master of the shop, refused to 
yield this tribute. PI is fellow craftsmen boycotted him, mixed his 
forms, transposed his pages, broke his matter and persecuted him with 
many other annoyances which they laid at the door of the chapel 


BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 


59 


ghost. Franklin held out for several weeks but the union was too 
strong. He could not withstand the pressure, so he paid his beer 
money which custom had declared was for the good of the chapel. He 
had his week’s lodging at this time at i shilling six pence, amounting 
to thirty-six cents in our money. In all, he spent not quite two years 
in London. On July 23, 1726, he returned to Philadelphia, after a 
ten week’s voyage, a wiser but poorer man. Keith had been removed 
as Governor, and on meeting Ftanklin passed on without remark, 
though he seemed to be ashamed. Benjamin took a job with his old 
employer, who, being tricky, used him to train poorer workmen into 
higher efFciency. This became quite clear to Franklin when his 
master sought to reduce his stipend and otherwise annoy with unjust 
complaints. A quarrel ensued, as a result of which Franklin quit, 
each waiving the regular three-months’ notice. A fellow workman, 
whose father possessed money, suggested a partnership, to which 
Franklin agreed. He, however, on an apology from his late master, 
went back to work, feeling that he could do this safely until the press, 
type and paper which he had purchased arrived from London. The 
shop was established and the Pennsylvania Gazette started. Meredith, 
the partner, proved incompetent. His father, who had agreed to 
supply money for the venture, failed to satisfy an unpaid balance due 
on the plant. Suit was brought and prospects of failure and imprison¬ 
ment for debt seemed imminent. Friends, however, offered Franklin 
ample financial assistance to pay all debts and commence anew on a 
sure foundation if he would rid himself of his drunken partner. To 
his credit it may be said that Franklin refused to abandon Meredith. 
A little later, however, Meredith himself proposed a separation, and 
named the terms of partnership dissolution. These were satisfactory 
and were accepted. Then Franklin went to his friends, took their 
loans, paid up all debts, and began his prosperous career of business 
alone. This was in 1729. 

He was diligent, industrious, dressed plainly, fed frugally, ab¬ 
stained from tavern tippling, wasted no time in hunting or fishing, 
read deeply, did his own hauling with a wheelbarrow. This careful 


60 


MAKING A NATION 


conduct gained friends, business and credit. He secured much public 
printing while his competitors were slowly forced to admit his suprem¬ 
acy in business and community standing. 

About this time a Mrs. Godfrey, with whom Franklin boarded, 
proposed a marriage with the daughter of a relative. Franklin was 
quite open in letting them know that if he married the girl, they 
would have to provide him with enough money to pay off the balance 
due on the print shop, approximately ioo£. The matchmaker reported 
they had no such sum of money to spare. Franklin shrewdly suggested 
a deal with the loan office. The family had doubts concerning the 
value of the printing trade and declined to mortgage their home. 
These negotiations all failing, the daughter was locked up and Benja¬ 
min was forbidden to visit the house. Thus he lost money, boarding 
place and sweetheart and all for lack of a paltry sum of money. This 
was not the end of this affair for Mrs. Godfrey tried to resume her 
blandishments on Franklin, and as he says “would have drawn me on 
again”, but he had resolved to have “nothing more to do with that 
family.” Their unwillingness nettled him. They seemed mercenary 
and he, well—he was merely shrewd—forced by necessity to cold 
calculating endeavor in matrimony. 

He writes “But this affair having turned my thoughts to marriage, 
I looked around me and m.ade overtures of acquaintance in other 
places; but soon found that, the business of a printer being generally 
thought a poor one, I was not to expect money with a wife unless 
with such a one as 1 should not othervrise think agreeable.” In other 
words, he could not look to securing a young, well born, pretty woman 
with money. But on the other hand, if he could satisfy himself with 
an old maid, an ugly or even a deformed female creature, he might 
land a satisfactory dowry with a wife. Before Franklin went on the 
memorable fool’s errand to London at the instance of Governor Keith, 
he had had a very deep love affair with Miss Read. His long absence, 
his frivolities in London, his neglect to correspond, had caused this 
young woman to marry another. The affair had turned out badly. 
The husband had disappeared, leaving m.any debts, and it was not 


BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 


61 


known whether he was alive or dead. All objections, however, were 
overruled and Franklin married the woman in September, 1730. She 
was a good faithful wife. 

The first years of his married life finds him and his household 
still attached to frugal habits and closest economy. Coming home 
once he found a china mug and a' silver spoon, much to his amaze¬ 
ment, and his wife, in excuse, said that such was not too good for a 
man of his quality and service. He tells with must gusto that, as his 
fortune improved, other luxuries followed until his chinaware and 
silver plate amounted in value to several hundred pounds. 

In 1732 he established Poor Richard’s Almanac and continued 
it for over a quarter of a century at a splendid profit. 

He soon established a society called the Junta, the object of which 
was discussion of useful topics of science, art, religion and politics. 
He also laid the foundation for the first circulating library in America. 
This was supported for many years by public subscriptions, was after¬ 
wards incorporated, became a civic institution, and is now in existence 
as the Philadelphia Public Library, having on its shelves hundreds oi 
thousands of volumes. He established a code of ethics for the conduct 
of his newspapers, the principal rule of which was the absolute exclu¬ 
sion of all libelous matter and personal abuse. This very decent policy 
was not followed by Frenau or Callender in the days following the 
adoption of the Constitution. Both of these writers libeled and villified 
the great men of the day, lowered the tone of the public press, and 
brought much well-deserved distress upon themselves. 

There was no limit to the industry of this man, who now being 
in easier financial circumstances, began the study of languages. He 
soon acquired an excellent knowledge of French, Spanish and Latin. 
This knowledge of the more modern tongues proved of great service 
to him when later in life he was sent abroad on important missions in 
the service of the country. Later he visited Boston, after ten years’ 
absence, and called on his brother James at Newport, who had a print 
shop there. He found him in declining health. Benjamin helped him, 
in order to make amends for his breach of indenture in their earlier 


years. 


62 


MAKING A NATION 


A very important event in Franklin’s life was his appointment 
as Postmaster of Philadelphia in 1737. This gave him great advantage 
in correspondence for his newspaper, the Pennsylvania Gazette, and 
in procuring paid advertisements. A dismissed official had been remiss 
in his accounts. From this Franklin makes the point of advising all 
young men entrusted v/ith the affairs of others to be diligent and ac¬ 
curate in the rendition of accounts. He started movements for the es¬ 
tablishment of a dependable police, as well as a fire department, which 
theories, in time, were translated into public laws and policies. He 
became more prosperous by selecting his good workmen and establish¬ 
ing them in print shops and newspapers in other growing communities. 
He states that all these partnerships turned out amicably because he 
made his contracts comipletely specific, setting forth clearly the respec¬ 
tive duties and obligations of the parties, leaving no subject for dispute. 

His active brain and high purpose always found subjects for 
action. As early as 1743 he began to plan the establishment of an 
academy of learning and provisions for military defense. Neither met 
with quick public recognition. But soon, by persistent effort, he had 
both matters on the high road to accomplishment. A year later he 
did establish a philosophical association, the forerunner of an institu¬ 
tion of learning, and later was the means of collecting teni thousand 
signers for membership in a local militia, which soon was organized 
into companies and regiments. These organizations selected their 
officers, met weekly for instruction and drilling, manual exercise and 
military tactics and discipline. This was most difficult of accomplish¬ 
ment, in that Pennsylvania was settled by Quakers and their policy 
was peace to all men. 

The Quakers were eternally in conflict betwen religious doctrine 
of peace at any price and the practical need of defense or destruction. 
In their assembly, when called on for money to be expended, they 
feared to refuse the government and also disliked offending the great 
body of that sect. They resorted to many subterfuges. The expedient 
most frequently resorted to was to grant the appropriation under the 
broad term, “for the King’s use.” On one occasion a great sum was 


BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 


63 


needed for the purchase of powder. And so 3000£ was granted “for 
the purchase of bread, flour, wheat and other grain.'' 

T he French nation, however, had laid claim to immense areas 
of territoiy and having allured the Indians to their support were 
endangering the lives and property of many of the inhabitants of this 
colony. It came to the crisis that the Quakers would either have to 
fight or become exterminated. They chose to fight and their assembly 
voted money and supplies to the soldiers engaged in the conflict. Part 
of the money for defense and cannon was raised by a lottery. The 
people offered Franklin the position of Colonel, but though he de¬ 
clined the honor on the ground of unfitness, he stood guard in his 
turn as a common soldier. Fie was never unwilling to assume such 
station as befitted his power or capacity. 

Not only had Franklin a literary brain, but possessed a mechanical 
genius as v/ell. Fie, for years, had been compelled to make type and 
engraving blocks of a rather crude or primitive sort. He invented the 
first stove used in the Colonies, and while we have later improved 
on his model, the original idea has always been retained. The story 
of his electrical experiments v/ould fill volumes. He regarded it at 
first as an interesting toy and on one occasion received a shock that 
reduced him to unconsciousness. The result of his investigations into 
this realm of natural power has been to revolutionize the world. The 
practical application of electricity to the affairs of men has brought 
nations together, has banished darkness of mind or matter, has knit 
the nations to a common purpose, and has wrung from the air the 
motive power through which all industry has increased its productivity 
beyond human computation. If Franklin had done no one other 
thing save this, regarding electricity, his claim to the esteem and 
respect of posterity could not have been assailed. He was yet in the 
school of preparation. God had marked him out for higher, nobler, 
greater service. 

Just how they did it in Pennsylvania at that time I don’t know, 
but so popular had Franklin become and so willing to serve that he 
held three public jobs at one and the same time—Justice of the Peace, 
City Alderman, and a Burgess in the Assembly of the Colony. He 


64 


MAKING A NATION 


resigned as Justice of the Peace because he confessed that he did not 
know enough of the common law. He evidently was a good and 
useful member of the Legislature, for he was elected annually to that 
position for ten successive sessions. As member of a special committee 
he successfully negotiated a treaty with the Indians at Carlyle. He 
gave encouragement to the establishment of a hospital at Philadelphia 
and procured an appropriation for its support, over the objection of 
some of the country members who felt that inasmuch as it was located 
in the city, the people of the town, and not the countr>% should pay 
for its maintenance and support. We have not improved one bit. 
That same thoughtless conflict prevails, men seemingly not able to 
sink petty desires in the face of that which makes for the general good. 
He next started a project for the cleaning of the public streets. This 
developed into paving the public byways and that brought public 
illumination, all originating in Franklin’s fertile and restless brain. 
His head was a sort of public good factory. 

In 1754 the British Lords of Trade, which had direct jurisdiction 
over Colonial affairs, apprehending war with France, issued an order 
for an assembly of Colonial Commissioners. The purpose was to bring 
about a conference with the six nations (Indian Tribes) which had 
been formed among the red men as early as 1714, and which native 
confederacy had held together. This became necessar}% as France had 
always contrived to secure great strength from the Indian warriors. 
Four delegates representing Pennsylvania were appointed and Franklin 
was named to serve on this board. Before starting for Albany in the 
Colony of New York, where the Conclave was directed to be held, 
Franklin wrote an article for his Gazette urging the imperative neces¬ 
sity of a Union of the Colonies. On a cut at the head of his article 
was the broken figure of a snake, representing the several Colonies 
and the motto “Unite or Die.” On the journey, Franklin busied 
himself in drafting a plan of union. This meeting considered the 
matter and decided upon the formation of such union and Franklin’s 
plan was, with a few amendments, adopted. By this plan the Crown 
would appoint a President General who would preside over a Grand 


BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 


65 


Council, selected by a vote of the members of the State or Colonial 
Assemblies. The Colonial Assemblies rejected the plan because it 
smacked too highly of royal power and the Lords of Trade refused 
approval because the plan was too democratic! The British authori¬ 
ties put in force the plan of a super board to be composed of the royally 
appointed Colonial Governors. They were authorized to meet and 
with their own selected members of the inner council, pass on all 
general questions, issue orders for calling out troops, building forts 
and to draw on the treasury of Great Britain for the expense. This 
was thereafter to be refunded to the Crown by an act of Parliament 
imposing a tax on America. There is but little doubt that the irrita¬ 
tion and friction arising from the plan of the Lords of Trade, was 
the beginning of the widening of the breach between the Crown and 
the Colonists, which lost to England the loyalty and affection of the 
people of the land. When Benjamin Franklin submitted his plan of 
Colonial Union, there v/as no dream of independence in his mind. 
He merely appreciated the difficulty of prompt joint action in affairs 
of mutual import and sought only Royal approval of a practical plan 
for effectual action in the emergencies which suddenly arose. 

The British government having refused royal assent to Colonial 
Union for defense, doubtless fearing a development of strength and 
self-reliance, sent over General Braddock at the head of two full 
regiments of English regulars. He remained Inactive because of the 
reluctance of the Americans to furnish means of transportation in the 
shape of horses and wagons. Here again the services of Franklin 
were called into requisition and through the advertisements and ap¬ 
peals in his newspaper the necessary horses, wagons and equipment 
were supplied on terms and conditions laid down by him, Franklin 
even advancing out of his own private purse a portion of the advance 
pa)'ment required. The Colonists, doubting Braddock, went so far 
as to require Franklin to go bond for faithful performance. This act 
put Franklin in danger of losing a vast sum which would bring on 
financial ruin. Later, however, this was averted. 

Braddock was a brave, though pig-headed man. He knew nothing 
of the country, less of the enemy, and, despising them, underrated their 


66 


MAKING A NATION 


power and capacity. He mapped his plan of campaign against the 
French and Indians on paper and did not even prepare for or admit 
the possibility of defeat. He said to Franklin, who had warned him 
of a possible ambuscade: “These savages may indeed be a formidable 
enemy to your raw American militia, but upon the King’s regular and 
disciplined troops, sir, it is impossible they should make any impres¬ 
sion.” Braddock’s army advanced in confidence until within a few 
miles of their objective, when the enemy fell upon the advance guard 
in complete surprise, slaughtered hundreds, while the rest fled in great 
disorder, finally destroying many valuable military stores rather than 
that they should fall into hands of the victorious enemy. Sixty-three 
officers were killed and seven hundred fourteen men out of eleven 
hundred. They had been ill behaved, plundering the inhabitants on 
their onward march. 

Governor Morris actually sought to intimidate the Assembly into 
taxing the people for the expense of war and sought to exempt the 
proprietors from payment of any part or portion of the huge debt. A 
new Governor even tried, over a decanter of wine, to bribe Franklin 
into less hostility to the absentee landlords, who wanted rents, issues 
of profits of a $50,000,000 property, but who sought in every way to 
make the producers of that profit pay all the burden. 

But as Franklin himself naively replied “that my circumstances, 
thanks to God, were such as to make proprietary favors unnecessary to 
me; and that, being a member of the Assembly, I could not accept of 
any.” In other words, he had no personal enmity in the matter, but 
he would continue to oppose any and all attempts at tax discrimination 
against the people. Evidently Governor Denny labored under the 
same arbitrary instruction as had hampered his predecessors. Conse¬ 
quently the Assembly voted to petition the King against this tyrannical 
procedure and Franklin was appointed to go to England to present 
and put through this petition. Franklin was subjected to much chi¬ 
canery on the part of Governor Denny to delay his departure, but the 
start was finally made and London was reached, though not without 
tedious delays and some chase by an enemy vessel. He arrived at 
London July 23, 1757. 


BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 


67 


It is utterly impossible to describe the vexations, delays, the false¬ 
hoods, the cunning exercised to prevent Franklin from getting a hear¬ 
ing. Franklin’s written statement remained in the hands of the 
solicitor for the proprietaries for more than one year before he was 
pleased to give advice. Even then, neither the Solicitor General nor 
the Proprietaries, gave any satisfaction to Franklin. They complained 
behind his back to the Pennsylvania Assembly, “that they might be 
willing to reach a conclusion if the Assembly would send out some 
person of candor to treat with them for that purpose.” The real 
reason was, of course, that Franklin could neither be bulldozed, 
cajoled nor bribed into approval of their position but remained stead¬ 
fast to the Colonial cause, stoutly maintaining his ground and cour¬ 
ageously defying not only big landed power, but outwitting the most 
brilliant legal minds of the Crown. While Franklin was battling 
abroad, the Assembly at home had worn down the opposition of 
Governor Denny and an act was finally passed taxing the proprietaries 
in common with the estate of all citizens and without discrimination. 
The then big money power began its final move to prevent the assent 
of the Crown. Lord Mansfield’s final query was whether or not the 
assessment against the big estate would be fair and equitable. Upon 
Franklin’s affirmative assurance, opposition was withdrawn and victory 
won. Their concluding effort was to have Denny removed as Gover¬ 
nor, but even here their effort failed. Franklin again had well served 
and soon returned to Philadelphia after an absence of six years. 

The old battle against the land trust continued. They did not 
intend to live up to the law. They did not propose to conform to the 
law unless their holdings were taxed as low as the lowest property 
valuation in Pennsylvania. The Assembly protested against this 
favoritism and passed a resolution declaring that the interests of the 
Province demanded that all power be taken away from the land trust 
and reposed in the King. On account of Franklin’s activity in this 
proceeding, they concentrated their attack on him and he was defeated 
for the Assembly. But the Assembly stood bravely by him, authorized 
him to draft the petition and selected him to present the same to the 
King. In December, 1764, Franklin returned to England engrossed 


68 


MAKING A NATION 


in the business of bringing about this change in the government of 
Pennsylvania. Before he fairly got under way a new crisis arose. 
England had to raise money to erase the public debt incurred by the 
war with France, and enacted the stamp act. This was resisted by 
all human history, and incurring the risk of trial, imprisonment, 
the common law. Parliament had no right to impose a tax without the 
consent of the Colonies. 

Quakers were the dominant force in Pennsylvania industrial and 
political life. They especially adhered to the doctrine of peace in the 
affairs of life. Notwithstanding their practice of non-resistance to 
military force, they offered so stubborn a front against the tyranny of 
big business, that it gave courage and determination to the other 
Colonies and gave strength to that unnamed opposition that swept 
onward in the struggle for freedom. Here was an entire sect morally 
and religiously opposed to fighting, putting up the greatest fight in 
all the Colonies, upon the theory that under the Charters, as well as 
deportation beyond seas or maybe ignominious death by hanging. 

It is to be gravely doubted if ever in the world’s record there was 
so remarkable a boycott carried on as was the effect of the stamp act. 
It brought about a condition quite as disastrous to the Colonies as to 
England. Courts ceased to operate and lawyers were without briefs; 
men would not buy or sell real estate; loan brokers would not issue 
letters of credit, shop keepers would not trade; business was absolutely 
at a standstill. 

The situation in England was remarkable. It must not be 
thought that a majority of the plain citizens of Britain favored the 
tyranny being exercised upon the Colonies. There was much sympathy 
felt by men in high places. Some of the most eminent men in England 
expressed open disapproval. But the King was surrounded by evil 
councilors. Besides, he probably did not desire the truth. He felt, or 
was led to believe, that such resistance as was manifest would quickly 
vanish and that if actual conflict should come that the Colonies could 
be easily whipped into abject submission by a show of force in the 
shape of a few regiments of British regulars. 


BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 


69 


When the Royal tax collectors appeared with their obnoxious 
stamps, they were not allowed to sell them and were threatened with 
death if they attempted to execute the law. One of these was chafed 
by five hundred belligerent farmers when he sought to enforce this 
tax. The news of these general disturbances finally reached London 
and slowly percolated into the dull perceptive faculties of officialdom. 
Pitt urged the repeal of the act, and in 1766 declared that he “rejoiced 
that America had resisted.” Franklin was summoned before Parlia¬ 
ment and cross-examined as to the wisdom of continuing the law. 
Franklin was eminently shrewd, wise and diplomatic in his answers. 
They tried to overwhelm him, but he never budged one inch from a 
line of sturdy reliance upon the justice and equity of his cause. Fie 
boldly asserted the illegality of the act. He painted in colors of fire 
the tax burden already locally borne. He told of the affection of the 
people before their spirits had been antagonized, their altered attitude, 
and plainly declared to Parliament that such a law could never be 
made effective unless executed by force and arms, and though he deliv¬ 
ered no challenge, his manner and the whole trend of his statement 
was intended to impress the idea that even a show of force would never 
alter or change the real situation. In fact, Franklin made so deep an 
Impression that George HI warned his ministers to beware of “that 
crafty American who is more than a match for you all.” The stamp 
act was repealed, but the principle that the Colonies could not legally 
be taxed without representation was not established. On the contrary, 
over Pitt’s opposition. Parliament declared by a new act, the absolute 
right of the English government, to impose taxes on the Colonies 
whenever they might find it expedient. 

Public opinion in Colonial circles was almost unanimous in the 
faith that Parliament would not exercise this alleged right and there 
was universal joy, not only in America, but in England. Pitt got 
much credit, the people of New York voting to erect a monument in 
his honor. At Philadelphia there were uncontrolled demonstrations 
of gratitude. Punch flowed in enormous quantities, barrels of beer 
were furnished the people, and amid the plaudits of the multitude. 


70 


MAKING A NATION 


Benjamin Franklin was toasted as “Our worthy and faithful agent, 
Dr. Franklin.” 

One cannot refrain from a deep admiration for Franklin, who, 
after a short vacation in France, returned to London, again to take 
up the cudgels for his distressed country. Parliament made laws 
taxing various kinds of imports. T he Colonists refused to buy, but 
smuggled importations from Holland. England realized the loss of 
trade resulting from such a stupid course and repealed all these exac¬ 
tions, except a heavy duty on tea. The obstructionist here was the 
East India Company of London, which, nearly bankrupt, had an 
immense stock on hand, and wished also, at all hazards, to maintain 
the Crown’s right of arbitrary taxation. The Boston Tea Party 
resulted in open defiance to English authority. The thirteen Colonies 
united to resist further encroachment upon their rights and in 1774 
the first Continental Congress met at Philadelphia. This assembly 
drafted a petition to the King. Franklin, who still lingered in London, 
and two other American agents, presented this latest appeal, but it 
was rejected and the ministry solemnly maintained that the Colonists 
were rebellious and should be taught to obey, if necessary, through 
armed conflict. 

Even here, Franklin, in a hostile country, used his pen and voice 
to present the facts and set the mind, not only of British statesmen, 
but of the common people, right regarding the true condition of 
Colonial public sentiment. Pitt, now Earl of Chatham, as late as 
1775 urged measures of conciliation. He said bravely and wisely: 
“The spirit which now resists your taxation in America is the same 
which formerly opposed loans (money borrowed by the King without 
security or interest), benevolences (gifts extorted against the will of 
the subject), and ship money (seized by Charles 11 . upon the pretext 
of constructing a navy) in England; the same spirit which called 
England on its legs and by the Bill of Rights vindicated the English 
Constitution; the same spirit which established the great fundamental, 
essential maxim of your liberties, that no subject of England shall be 
taxed but by his own consent. We shall be forced later to retract; 
let us retract while we can, not when we must.” 


BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 


71 


Franklin still stayed on, urging every argument, suggesting every 
expedient through which England mdght be given every chance to 
retrace her evil steps and start upon a course of fair treatment to 
America. As a last resort he offered to pay for the tea which the 
citizens had thrown into Boston Bay, provided oppression should 
cease. The King and his close advisers turned deaf ears to this wise 
counsel. So in the spring of 1775 Franklin departed on his voyage 
of return to Philadelphia and it was while the honest, loyal Franklin 
was on the high seas that the initial blood of the Revolution was shed 
at Lexington, and was fired that fateful shot “heard ’round the 
world.” 

Franklin had scarcely gotten off his sea legs upon his arrival, 
than he was unanimously chosen a delegate to the second Continental 
Congress; was made Postmaster-General, from which he had been 
removed through the malignity of English politicians; was made a 
member of every important committee and formed the organization 
of the army soon to be under the command of George Washington. 
He was also named on the committee which was to visit Canada and 
seek practical alliance for operation against Great Britain. 

Franklin had striven with all the force of a powerful moral 
character to stay revolution and armed conflict, for he had said, 
“There never was a good war, or a bad peace, but now the issue was 
clear—it was independence or annihilation” and he bent his will to 
victory for his people. At this time he wrote to a dear English friend: 
“America is determined and unanimous. Britain, at an expense of 
three million, has killed one hundred fifty Yankees in this campaign, 
wLich is 20,ooo£ a head. During the same time 6o,000 children 
have been born in America. From this data his mathematical head 
will easily calculate the time and expense necessary to kill us all and 
conquer our whole territory.” 

Franklin was a member of the committee of four to prepare the 
Declaration of Independence, which was practically the sole work of 
Thomas Jefferson. None knew more clearly or realized more forcibly 
than did the members of this committee that this was treason, but 
had ignominious death literally stared each in the face, their hands and 


72 


MAKING A NATION 


hearts would have proceeded with the work. How well they prepared 
this sacred document is known to the world. 

Shortly after Independence had been made known to the nation 
through our Declaration, Lord Howe, at the suggestion of the British 
government, attempted peace negotiations. They took the matter up 
with Franklin perhaps by way of a feeler. His reply was an un¬ 
equivocal refusal to intercede. He said; “Long did I endeavor, with 
unfeigned and unwearied zeal, to preserve from breaking, that fine, 
noble, China vase, the British Empire; for I knew that, being once 
broken, the separate parts could not retain even their share of the 
strength or value that existed in the whole and that a perfect reunion 
of those parts could scarce ever be hoped for.” Later events showed 
that the peace, as far as England was concerned, meant merely that 
his gracious Majesty, the Crown, would pardon the Colonists upon 
their submission to royal authority and retracing their treasonable 
aspirations. This was an impertinent suggestion and was spurned 
with contempt even at a time when Colonial prospects were black 
with desperation and despair. 

Congress was now reduced to the palpable need of foreign aid. 
Every eye was turned toward Erance, the hereditan^ foe of England, 
and unerringly Congress sought Franklin, now over seventy, to under¬ 
take this impressive mission. As ever before he failed not to respond 
to his country’s call. It was the season of bitter storms at sea. Ships 
of the English navy were scouring all seas. If he escaped storm and 
waves, he might meet a blacker fate—capture and imprisonment or 
hanging in some loathsome British prison. He did not hesitate for a 
moment and December, 1776 , found the aged patriot again in Paris. 
Before leaving American shores, he had put his every penny, some 
i5,ooo£, into the cause without security and with but little hope that 
this would ever be returned. 

Franklin’s distinguished scholarship, his inventions, his courage 
before the Court of England, his many services to human kind, con¬ 
trived to make him the hero of the hour. People thought him a fit 
representative of a wonderful people. His picture was in all shop 
windows. He was made the style. At dinner parties and in his pri- 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 


73 


vate lodgings he was hounded by young men who sought letters of 
introduction through which they might enlist and serve under George 
Washington in the Continental Army. The ladies were quite en¬ 
thusiastic over the American philosopher. The people were certainly 
in favor of extending aid to the Colonies, but very little official prog¬ 
ress was made. France really wanted to adopt some plan to weaken 
England and yet not confer too great strength and power on America. 
1 he King, too, was shrewd and counselled watchful waiting to see 
what strength America developed on its own account. He did not 
want to place his money on a loser! When victory came to our army 
through the capture of Burgoyne’s army late in the fall of 1777, 
Franklin made bold to press his claims and soon a national military 
alliance was signed and a commercial treaty entered into at that time, 
of priceless value to the sacred cause. Under the covenants, France 
agreed to send a fleet of sixteen ships and army of four thousand men 
and extended a loan of five million. Thus Washington at home was 
the military genius and Franklin, abroad, was the wdse, patient, shrewd 
statesman who provided the necessary “sinews of w^ar.” 

When the British authorities were informed of this treaty, they 
declared immediate war on France, and even secretly conspired to 
have the United States turn about and betray the French ally. Lord 
North, then Prime Minister, hastily put through legislation in Parlia¬ 
ment, offering full recognition to Congress, to give up all rights of 
taxing the people and to grant the colonies representation in the 
national parliament. English statesmen again made secret overtures 
to Franklin, with what success we can easily conjecture. Colonial 
victories on land and sea opened England’s eye to the tragic seriousness 
of the crisis. Having performed all these rare and important functions 
of matchless service, Franklin had more time for leisure, reflection and 
study. For a while he lived a life of relaxation, pleasure, almost 
indolence. He fed well, drank deeply, doubtless lost his abstinence 
and this telling on his constitution at this advanced age gave him the 
gout, from which he suffered severely. In his own autobiography he 
sets down a very remarkable confession in a conversation he had with 
the gout. Among other things he said, after the gout had set forth 


74 


MAKING A NATION 


and scored him roundly for his sins and short-comings: “For philos¬ 
ophers are sages in your maxims and fools in your conduct.” Many 
men of smaller calibre have been too cowardly to confess that they did 
not practice what they preached. But Franklin was never afraid of 
the truth, whether for or against himself. Between his soft living and 
his government duties he still found time to suggest new’er and better 
policies in the relation between nations. He advocated protection of 
merchants ships of neutral nations (the violation of which rule really 
pushed the United States into the war with Germany) ; he exposed 
English folly in opposing the importation of food to Britain when her 
people starved; and he was among the first to suggest that nations 
abolish privateering as an instrument of warfare. 

In November, 1781, London gained knowledge of the surrender 
of Cornwallis at Yorkton and though this was practically the end 
of the war of revolution, conditions were not ripe, either for a Treaty 
of Peace, or the entire evacuation of English soldiers from American 
soil. The war ministry was discharged from office and that of Lord 
Rockingham substituted, upon the express condition that peace should 
be negotiated. There was joy both in the colonies and in the late 
mother country. 

From 1781 to 1783, the battle was transferred from the tented 
field, from the sounds of musketry, from clashing swords to the halls 
of secret and sinister diplomacy through skillful tongue and pen. It 
required great genius, for Washington and the revolutionary soldiers, 
to achieve victory against such terrific odds. It required a different 
quality but no less striking and important, to steer a clear and safe 
course out of and from the midst the pitfalls and snares laid by the 
statesmen of England, France and Spain. All three nations had to be 
satisfied before a final treaty of peace could be successfully negotiated. 
England wanted to lose as little as possible; France planned the weak¬ 
ening of England and a supervisory power over the United States. 
Spain demanded protection for her holdings on the American con¬ 
tinent. We demanded: (i) Complete recognition of Independent 
Thirteen States and all rights of an independent government; (2) 
recognition of the Mississippi as the western boundary of our territory. 


BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 


75 


Canada on the north and Florida on the south; (3) fishing rights of 
Americans on the banks of New Foundland; (4) settlement of the 
matter of compensation to loyalists for loss of property. 

Franklin and John Jay started the negotiations and later John 
Adams was sent over to join in the work. There was not always 
complete harmony in our commission. Adams was too blunt, Jay too 
suspicious, and Franklin too popular and complacent. Each was 
honest but each had a separate viewpoint. Adams and Jay became 
disliked in turn, but through it all, Franklin retained the esteem in 
which he was originally held and doubtless did more in keeping down 
fatal friction than the other two peace delegates combined. At one 
time it became certain that Count Vergennes, Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, was not acting in good faith and Jay wanted to entirely break 
ol¥ negotiations, but Franklin sat tight, doubtless cajoled and flattered 
French vanity and exercised his own patience to the limit of endurance. 
A.dams was wonderful in co-operation here, for he had made a tentative 
deal with Great Britain without the knowledge of France, which, with 
Franklin’s fine work, was finally made acceptable to all parties inter¬ 
ested. Thus, on September 3, 1783, the document was executed, 
which officially and technically declared the United States an absolutely 
free and independent nation with full power and authority to assume 
her place among the sovereign nations of the universe! 

The auspicious event was celebrated by a brilliant banquet at 
Paris. The famous statesmen of the period attended. The robes of 
the men with their decorative orders were splendid, the gowns of the 
women gorgeous, the jewels scintillated and sparkled even as the wine 
which flowed freely. The English ambassador drank to his Majesty 
King George III, whose power, said he, was like that of the sun at 
midday, illumining the world! The Minister of France arose, and lift¬ 
ing high his goblet, said “Here’s to Louis XVI, well compared to the 
moon, riding in splendor and dissipating the shades of night!” Franklin’s 
turn came next, and rising in simplicity, unadorned by jewels or deco¬ 
rative orders and filling his cup to the brim he said: “Here’s to 
George Washington, President of the United States, Commander in 
Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, who like Joshua of 



76 


MAKING A NATION 


old commanded the sun and moon to stand still, and they obeyed him.” 
This is a wonderfully effective story. It is calculated to stir patriotism 
to highest pitch, but to be perfectly frank, I doubt if this actually 
occurred. On this occasion, such a retort would have been in very 
bad form and Franklin’s method of handling the very ticklish negotia¬ 
tions was at variance wdth any statement in such shocking bad 
taste. England was the first to recognize the changed relationship 
with liberality and common sense and when Great Britain changed 
this attitude it later brought about the war of 1812 in which for the 
second time the United States put England in her proper place. 

Franklin had become completely worn out with work and ailments 
and in 1785 he, for the last time returned to his native land, where he 
was welcomed with distinguished marks of honor. But even at this 
advanced age and in spite of his feeble health, he w’as made President 
of the State of Pennsylvania and served three terms in that office, the 
salary of which he spent in public and benevolent objects. The people 
even then w^re not ready to relinquish their demand upon his exhausted 
body and mind. The colonies, so loosely united, found the Federation 
entirely inadequate to meet the needs of the country. In May, 1787, 
a convention had been called to meet at Philadelphia to discuss, and if 
possible, frame a suitable constitution. The thirteen commonwealths 
had no centralized head. The Union lacked strength, power, author¬ 
ity; conflicting interests threatened to sever these weak ties and an 
efficient organic set of laws became necessary to preserve the place 
which had been gained in war. 

We had a Congress which could declare anything but could 
execute nothing. The states quarreled about boundary lines. They 
repudiated debts. They began to split up into hostile factions and there 
were no courts with juricdiction to settle legal disputes between 
sovereign states. Washington recognized the importance of this 
constitution and so did Franklin. The difficulties were almost in¬ 
surmountable. From May to September the delegates smote each 
other hip and thigh. There were as many different views as there 
were delegates on some of the disputed points. The great and primal 
question of difference was the line of demarcation to be drawn between 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 


77 


state and national power. Most of the states were jealous of any 
plan that would lessen their power or confer too high an authority 
on the central government. Finally the constitution, in the main 
frame d by Alexander Hamilton, was adopted on September 17. 
Franklin had taken a deep interest in the work of the convention. 
He did not altogether approve in its entirety, but he signed, and 
induced others by his example, to affix their signatures. Freeman, the 
English historian, said that it meant to America “a greater amount 
of combined peace and freedom than was ever before enjoyed by so 
large a portion of the earth’s inhabitants.” 

After the adjournment of the constitutional convention, Franklin 
lived about a year, sometimes free of pain, but most of the time suffer¬ 
ing so that he could do no work. He said that his greatest punishment 
lay in the absence of those friends whom he had outlived. “It is the 
tax we pay for long living and it is indeed a heavy one.” His last 
public act was to sign a memorial to Congress, praying for the abolition 
of slavery in the United States and the last paper he wrote, finished the 
day before he died, was on this vital, human subject. He passed away 
April 17, 1790. 

Not content with his huge mass of work during life, he, by his 
will, projected unselfish service beyond the confines of the tomb. By 
his will, he provided for medals of honor for honored pupils of free 
schools; he gave large sums to Philadelphia and Boston to be loaned 
to young married mechanics who might thereby be given a proper start 
in life. This money, repaid, finally reached the sum of $350,000, and 
was expended finally for a public park. The Philadelphia fund also 
reached huge proportions and was used for splendid public purposes. 
He was not forgotten at the grave, for 20,000 of his fellow citizens 
paid their last sad tribute and nations gave silent adoration to the 
memory of his life and deeds. 

There were a few men of his own day and generation who labored 
as jealously as did he for the common welfare, but no man of America 
in any station then or since has ever put forth such a huge mass of 
constructive activity and endeavor and certainly there is no man before 



78 


MAKING A NATION 


the eye of the country today who in courage, fortitude or actual 
achievement can compare with Benjamin Franklin. 

He wrung success out of poverty in industrial pursuits. In jour¬ 
nalism he achieved the highest and most influential position of his 
day. As a philosopher he ranked with Socrates, Plato and Aristotle. 
The fame of his inventions in science and mechanics spread through the 
world and all proved of great utility to men. As a legislator he 
showed rare conservative wisdom. In the field of diplomacy he was 
supreme. He met the master diplomats of the known world and won 
victories all turned to the honor and glory of his country. His 
patriotism at all times shone like a brilliant star. 

His private character, while not entirely without blemish, and 
weakness, revealed a multitude of shining virtues. He never fell 
back, his progress toward finer and better things never faltered. He 
may have stumbled but he alwaj^s recovered and pressed onward 
toward a higher and nobler light. I know of no mere man in any 
age or country' who started so poorly, walked so humbly, sinned so 
little, served so unsefishly or achieved so splendidly. Human to the 
core, he never was guilty of a mean or contemptible act. “The ele¬ 
ments were so mixed in him, that all nature might stand up and 
exclaim, ‘This was a man’.” By no act or work did he ever seek to 
create the idea that he was superior in any way. He confessed with 
courage his failings and weaknesses. If all went well, he gave credit 
to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe. If they went illy, he paused 
in self analysis to find wherein he had fallen short or erred. He had 
supreme faith in ultimate good. Nothing ever shook his optimism. 
He was a disciple in the philosophy of Man’s Brotherhood and God’s 
Fatherhood. When the philosopher and soldiers of Carthage, Greece 
and Rome, when the wise statemen of France, England and Spain 
shall have been forgotten, and their marble memorials shall have 
crumbled to dust, the fame of Franklin will not only have survived, 
but will have grown brighter. His conspicuous example will shine out 
to illumine the roadway for the weak and stumbling feet of men, to 
whose service his long and illustrious life was wholly and unselfishly 
dedicated. 


Patrick Henry 


H igh in the Temple of Fame towers the impressive figure of 
Patrick Henry. Time' cannot silence the tones of that clarion 
voice which awakened the sleeping souls of the oppressed, which 
struck terror to the royal tyrant of Britain. To the end of time, 
whenever Freedom shall be endangered, through the gathering places 
of men, shall ring that eternal call. No King gave Henry his title to 
nobility. That was conferred by plain people. They called him 
Liberty’s Sentinel, and well guarded he the outer gates. God called 
him and he mastered the greatest crisis which had ever confronted 
humanity. From the wilderness of despair he led his fellow citizens 
to the mountain top of Hope and a nation happy, powerful, united, 
rose to bless and glorify his name. 

Man is but a small atom in the mysterious operations of worlds. 
To his mortal eye is not given the power to penetrate the veil which 
hides the future. ' ' , ’ 

“There is a divinity which shapes our ends 
Rough hew them as we may.” 

Character analysis often reveals that which makes men great or 
humble but does not always explain that sudden transformation which 
fits the souls of some men to rise to tremendous and splendid oppor¬ 
tunity. Moses, an abandoned infant found on the banks of the 
crocodile infested Nile, became the liberator of a race of slaves and 
the lawgiver of the world. A mere youth, David slew the giant 
Goliath, saved his nation from defeat and ruled vast multitudes. The 
son of a butcher was made Cardinal; Woolsey, who pandered to a 
depraved King, forgot God and died on the scaffold at command of 
the ungrateful monarch, Henry VIII of England. 

Cromwell, a Commoner, ordered the execution of Charles I in 
a conflict for the preservation of popular rights. Napoleon, the 
Corsican, seized a pliant hour and under the pretense of guarding 
France, grasped autocratic and despotic power, wading through oceans 
of blood in his lustful greed for the mastery of the world, met 


80 


MAKING A NATION 


Waterloo and lonely death at St. Helena. Washington, a Virginia 
planter, pressed into public service to resist injustice, led armies 
to victory, stood sponsor at the birth of a nation. Hamilton, a 
West India youth, transplanted through the charity of friends to 
New York, leapt into the ranks of patriots, inspiring resistance to 
unjust exactions, leaving as his everlasting monument, a national 
constitution which has and will endure the test of time. Jefferson, 
faltering of tongue, proved the pen mightier than the sword by his 
Declaration of Independence. 

And likewise Patrick Henry at the crucial hour smote the heart 
of his country with living, burning appeal and flamed the universal 
soul. And the people gave answer with sacrifice and devotion to 
the common cause unparalleled in human history. Armies leaped 
forth, soldiers without powder or guns, naked and bare of clothing, 
shoeless, and with empty bellies to fight the holy battle of freedom. 
At Bunkerhill, at Brandywine, at Trenton, at Valley Forge, when all 
hope seemed gone, at Yorkton, their ears rang with the undying 
appeal of Patrick Henry. They forgot the lack of guns and ammuni¬ 
tion, they stopped shivering in the snow, they were oblivious to 
frozen feet, they put aside the gnaw of hunger and fought with a 
desperate courage, that finally subdued the flower of the King’s regular 
troops and wrung reluctant victory from the very jaws of defeat. 

What manner of man was this? What God nerved him? 
Whence came he? What preparation had he for the work which 
fell upon him? And what were the conditions that called forth his 
eloquence that met with such sublime response on the part of his 
countrymen? What shall be the purpose of this skeleton sketch? To 
attempt to answer these material questions, in the hope that by direct¬ 
ing attention to the remarkable career of this great American, we 
may inspire in the youth of America, a keener desire to know their own 
country and appreciate their own countrymen. 

I shall try to emphasize those incidents not usually related in 
school histories. Heretofore, we have overlooked the human interest 
element in men of history. 

The inspiration of Henry’s life was faith in God and love for 



PATRICK HENRY 


81 


men, not the high and mighty but plain common humanity. When 
he had become rich and high he never forsook the plain men and 
women of his native land. His father was a Scotch emigrant of good 
family, and at the time of Patrick’s birth in May 1736, he was in 
fair financial condition. The family was highly respected. Colonel 
John Henry, the father, was a fair scholar, and though he gave the 
son an opportunity for a limited education, the boy did not acquire 
great scholarship. He preferred hunting and fishing, although his 
father did cram into his unwilling son, a smattering of Latin and 
Greek. The books all claim that Mrs. Henry, a very good woman, 
was quite indulgent and permitted Patrick to acquire indolent habits, 
and rather stood between the boy and the father, who was ambitious 
for Patrick’s higher education. He was silent and lonely and did 
not enjoy the companionship of the youths of the vicinity. 

An uncle once advised him “to be just and true in all his deal¬ 
ings, to bear no malice nor hatred in his heart, to keep his hands from 
picking and stealing, not to covet other men’s goods; but to learn and 
labor to get his own living and to do his duty in that state of life, 
until it shall please God to call him.” 

Patrick was designed for a mercantile career. At an early age 
he was placed with a merchant and had about one year’s experience. 
At the end of this period of probation, the elder Henry invested 
in a stock of goods and gave control of the business to William, 
an elder brother, and Patrick. Both boys were lazy and careless and 
a short year as business men, proved their utter incapacity for trade. 
This mercantile disaster was not wholly without its benefits. It 
compelled Patrick to turn his attention to music and good books, 
such as he could secure. He became efficient on the violin and flute 
and familiar with the more elegant authors in the realm of light 
literature. He further devoted much time to the study of men and 
to build up an influence and leadership among those by whom he was 
surrounded. He became a great story teller, which had the effect 
of sharpening his wit and cultivating his imagination. 

His next step was romance and marriage. His own and his step¬ 
father by their joint efforts settled the young couple on a farm where 


82 


MAKING A NATION 


with the assistance of a few black slaves, he sought to wring from 
the soil that livelihood which trade had failed to yield. A few’ years 
w’ere thus spent in tilling the ground, where wearied limbs welcomed 
night. This venture brought but small return. He knew nothing 
of farming, nor w^as he wdlling to give that incessant labor necessary 
to success. Again he failed. He sold his farm and with the proceeds 
again ventured into trade. He soon lost all his capital and became a 
bankrupt. Now^ he had lost his money, friends and w’as wholly bereft 
of all means of support. 

The time consumed in this last mercantile effort had not been 
entirely w’asted. His business left him idle hours which he spent in 
further studies of history and in a more specific knowdedge of Latin 
and Greek. This last loss had left him in a most wretched condition 
and he and his family approached a condition of poverty and distress. 
Having failed at everything else, he concluded to try his hand at 
the law’. Here, too, the prospects were gloomy. There w-ere several 
successful practitioners already in the field and Henry had no time 
to go through an extensive course of preparation to fit him for 
success in a most arduous profession. The committee before w’hich 
he appeared for admission was reluctant to grant him a license, but 
a majority of them concluded that he had great natural talent and 
on that account gave to Henry his license to practice. 

Jefferson tells a story of having been visited by Patrick Henry 
w’ho told him that he had been reading law only six w’eeks. Jefferson 
did not have a very flattering opinion of the rather rough, uncouth 
legal aspirant. Nor did Wm. Wirt, who claimed that Henry knew 
practically nothing of the science of law and that he was equally 
ignorant of practice and pleading, so that he could not draw^ a plea, 
order a suit, give notice or make a motion in court. 

The evidence on the point is conflicting. An inexperienced 
lawyer w’ould assuredly have trouble in the preparation of technical 
papers, but judging from the number of cases wTich the court records 
discloses, Henry in a like period of time had nearly two thousand 
cases in which he was actually retained and Jefferson did not have one- 
half that number. Mr. Jefferson had been liberally educated and 


PATRICK HENRY 


83 


naturally it offended his rather fastidious taste to appear in opposition 
to a brother professional who neglected the manner, grace and cour¬ 
tesies incident to so honorable a calling. 

The trait which sadly marred the character of Jefferson was 
his unwillingness to admit merit in his contemporaries. He was disloyal 
to Washington and thought him a man of small ability. According 
to Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, the Constitution maker, and John 
Marshall, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, were pro-British be¬ 
cause they held contrary political views. Until very late in life 
Jefferson was bitter against John Adams. Jefferson hated and despised 
Aaron Burr long before he became a traitor and tried by every means 
to convict him of treason. 

For several years between despair and hope, for Patrick Henry 
was an optimist, he remained comparatively unknown. He took 
shelter with his father-in-law, Mr. Shelton, who now was a tavern 
keeper. Mr. Henry at this time quite frequently worked around 
the hotel. He received guests, put up their horses, carried their lug¬ 
gage, showed them to their sleeping places and served thirsty 
travelers from big black bottles behind the bar. Doubtless, occasionally 
he performed these menial services for his professional associates, but 
it does not seem to have shamed him in any way nor to have smoth¬ 
ered his pride. It will be remembered that Abraham Lincoln did 
the same thing. Honest labor hurts no man, high or low. Henry 
kept up his studies in the school of preparation. He began to know 
men, to learn what things appealed to passion, prejudice, reason. 
He was being groomed, by life’s experience, to meet and master the 
golden hour of opportunity. 

Tobacco, raised in profusion through the labor of slaves, was 
the staple product of Virginia. It was made legal tender for taxes 
and debts of all kinds owing to the scarcity of silver and gold coins. 
The power of the established Church of England was almost supreme. 
By act of assembly of 1696 each minister of a parish was provided 
with an annual allowance for his support, payable in tobacco, which 
was fixed at 16,000 pounds for each parish and the price of tobacco 
fixed for this purpose at two cents per pound. It so remained for 


84 


MAKING A NATION 


many years. A short crop in 1755 caused a great increase in the 
price of tobacco. The legislature thereupon passed an act, which 
allowed the planters to pay the church in specie, and not in tobacco, 
which would have saved much money to the Virginia planters. The 
clergy insisted on payment in tobacco only. 

At this time we can hardly appreciate the overwhelming power 
and influence of the church. Non-attendance, refusal to christen 
infants, unbelief and above all failure to pay according to law, such 
taxes as were imposed for religious purposes, were serious offenses and 
punished by severe penalties, through the medium of courts presided 
over by the clergy themselves. The church bitterly opposed the 
legislative act and the matter, reaching the King, he promptly favored 
the clerg\' and because it had not been submitted for royal sanction, 
set the Virginia law aside as absolutely null and void. Rendered void 
by the King’s support, many of the parsons refused specie and de¬ 
manded tobacco. Court action was begun in several counties. The 
first of these tobacco cases was tried in Hanover County originally 
and Lawyer Lewis had been retained by the planters. The case was 
tried before a jur>^ composed of the ministers of the parish and church 
officials. It would to our mind seem very unfair to have our cause 
brought before a body directly interested in the issue before the court 
but such then was the law and proceedure. Mr. Lewis claimed in 
his answer that the act of the legislature operated as a bar against 
the award of damages to the church, since the legislature had author¬ 
ized payment in money which had been offered the plaintiff and had 
been refused. The attorney for the plaintiff (the clerg>') demurred 
to this answer, claiming that the act of the legislature was void, not 
having had the sanction of the King. The ecclesiastical court sus¬ 
tained the demurrer and the attorney for the planters retired from 
the cause, certain that the case of his clients was hopeless. 

It was at this stage of desperation that Patrick Henry under¬ 
took the Planters’ defense—this was at the November term. An 
adjournment was held to the December session. Meanwhile the 
matter had aroused public interest and the Parson’s case, as it was 
called, drew a large concourse of people, many of whom came from 


PATRICK HENRY 


85 


great distances but all of whom were directly concerned in the final 
decision. The planters were apprehensive and the clergy confident, 
rubbing their hands in glee, greatly puffed up at the big payments in 
tobacco they already counted as in their possession. 

Among those in attendance was the Rev. Patrick Henry, uncle to 
the Planters’ counsel. Patrick, Jr., much embarrassed, begged his 
uncle to remain away and the older man reprimanded Patrick for 
appearing against the church, but his nephew replied that he knew 
no reason why he should refuse a retainer from the Planters’ and 
that in addition to that, he was conscientiously on the side of the 
people. The older relative warned the young lawyer against saying 
hard things against the church—entered his coach and drove home. 

Imagine Patrick’s confusion when in the presiding magistrate of 
the court he stood before his own father! So confident was the 
church of a final judgment that Mr. Lyons, their counsel, without 
argument, stated the status of the matter, which was the conclusive 
dismissal of the demurrer and sat down without further argument. 
Thus far in his career this was the supreme test of Patrick Henry’s 
strength. The unknown lawj^er began his address with faltering 
tongue and hesitant manner. His voice was low and his opening 
gestures awkward. 

It was seemingly apparent to all that the same failure which 
had marked every previous act of Henry’s life would be repeated. 
The parsons winked and smiled at each other, confident that their 
cause would prevail. Henry’s father hung his head. He fully felt 
that his son was doomed to failure and shame. Soon there came the 
flash and miracle of illumination, awkwardness was transformed into 
gracefulness, the low voice was impregnated with the thunder of 
conviction, imagination burst all bonds. As his mind rolled on, rich 
eloquence swelled out at will. Prejudice, established custom, defiance 
was hurled at the exactions and greed of the priesthood. By degrees 
his attitude assumed the loftiness of an inspired prophet, his face shone 
with inspiration, at times his bold eyes shot forth the denunciation 
of hot words that with magic and might, struck ear and heart in a 
manner to which no description can do adequate justice. No record 


86 


MAKING A NATION 


of this speech has been preserved but an attendant at court said, 
“He made their blood run cold and their hair rise on end.” 

In a few minutes doubt had fled, attention had been riveted 
and additional crowds gathered until every inch of space was 
occupied and men hung on the outside of windows to drink in the 
eloquence of the speaker. The clergy was routed in confusion. With¬ 
out leaving their seats they gave the plaintiffs a verdict for one 
penny damage and the successful litigants forcibly lifted Henry on 
their shoulders and carried him in triumph out of the court room into 
the public square. 

Still in Virginia in the rural districts it is traditional that no 
higher compliment can be paid a public speaker than to say his effort 
“was almost equal to that of Patrick Henry when he plead against 
parsons.” 

Naturally, this defeat aroused the resentment of the church. 
The parsons wrote many bitter pamphlets against Henry and this 
outrageous (?) decision, alluding contemptiously to the court and 
characterizing Mr. Henry “as an obscure attorney.” This was true 
up to that day, but soon Henry found “that it is better to be calumni¬ 
ated than to be ignored,” for his fame spread far and near and clients 
rushed to him in great numbers. 

That one speech quickly gave him a leading place at the bar. 
The wolf fled from the door and Patrick Henry came into his own 
heritage. His brilliant victory won not only clients but a reputation 
which extended beyond the county where he resided. All this 
had been achieved in spite of plebeian manners, faulty pronunciation, 
rustic appearance and limited book knowledge. He had proved that 
he has was great despite rules and books. Pie was the “orator of 
nature.” His eloquence was drawn from that with which he was 
familiar, men, trees, running brooks and in the hunting of game, 
at which he had wasted so many precious years. 

Though the subject of much dazzling attention, he did not “lose 
his head” nor was he lured from the simplicity of his previous life. 
He moved to the county of Louisa to gain a larger field for practice, 
but even then could not forego the spending of weeks in deer hunting. 


PATRICK HENRY 


87 


camping out and carrying on his person the accessories of food and 
ammunition necessary to such ventures. He still remained com¬ 
paratively indolent, prepared his cases, sometimes without books, while 
in the woods and often reached court in such haste that he wore a 
coarse hunting coat, leather pantaloons, leggings and bearing on his 
arm the saddle bags of his trip. On such occasions, without the 
dry precedents, he would amaze judge, jury and spectators with his 
powerful eloquence and clear elucidation of the most complex issues. 

Judge Lyons of the bench, before whom Patrick Henry argued 
many cases, said “He (Lyons) could write letters, draw a declaration 
or plea, with as much accuracy in the bench while lawyers were 
conducting a case ordinarily, as he could in his private office, except 
when Patrick arose to speak; but what whenever he rose, he was 
obliged to lay down his pen and could not write another word until 
the speech was finished!” 

Though retained in many law suits the next one of state-wide 
importance was that of Dandridge vs. Littlepage. These men were 
rivals in an election for a seat in the Virginia House of Burgesses. 
Dandridge claimed that the seat had been carried by his opponent 
through fraud and corruption. This gave the rising Virginian an¬ 
other arena for the display of his genius. They brought him to 
Williamsburg, the seat of state government. It contained the quality 
and fashion of official life. The governor lived like a king and 
arrogated to himself royal honors. Members of the legislature were 
regarded as highly honored citizens. 

Into this uncongenial atmosphere Henry was rushed into the 
performance of his legal duties. The matter came up before a 
legislative committee. LI is reception was not cordial and legislators 
took little pains to conceal the hearty disrespect they entertained for 
“this obscure lawyer of rude manner and rough attire.” This con¬ 
tempt was shattered as soon as Patrick Henry began his speech. As 
he proceeded, admiration and envy was shown. He distinguished 
himself “by a copious and brilliant display on the right of suffrage, 
the purity of the ballot, the sacred obligation of the citizen” superior 
to any oration which had ever been heard in the house. He was heard 


88 


MAKING A NATION 


with breathless attention and it was the opinion of every member of 
the committee that he was among the best speakers of the age! 

The prologue of the greatest drama of history was slowly un¬ 
folding. George III was now the ruler of Great Britain and empires 
beyond the seas. With victory in war had come enormous debts, which 
could be wiped out by taxation, wrung by parliamentary degree. 
Arrogant ministers of state turned the greedy eyes of the king toward 
the American colonies. The ruler of England pursued the policy 
that the Americans could safely be plundered at the royal will, and 
though dissatisfied, they dare not oppose the pleasure of the crown. 
Hitherto royal charters and royal grants had been fairly well re¬ 
spected, but as a previous privilege stood in the way of the plans of 
George III it was ruthlessly abrogated by the autocratic decree of 
this senseless and obstinate monarch. Up to about 1763 the colonies 
had been treated as a whole with great moderation. 

They had developed under the idea that every right and privilege 
accorded to citizens of Great Britain was theirs as of an alienable 
right. Under such a theory and freed from local restraints put upon 
a closely populated land, Americans fostered a spirit of independence, 
delicate to the hint of encroachment and resentful toward any move 
that looked toward curtailment of rights and with strenuous opposi¬ 
tion at the slightest evidence of an Intent to oppress. When a scheme 
of taxation was proposed to Sir Robert Walpole he saw at a glance 
that such a course would defeat its very object and he left such a 
project to his successor in office. Pitt, too, had wisely withheld his 
assent to any move to which the colonies could object upon constitu¬ 
tional grounds. 

With America’s friends, Pitt and Walpole, out of power, there 
remained as advisers to the crown, Butte and later Grenville, who with 
lack of sagacious Independence of opinion, first found out the policy 
most pleasing to the king and so ordered. A regulation was passed 
imposing heavy duties on colonial trade. These duties were paid 
exclusively in gold and transferred in British bottoms to England. 
This was followed by a declaration “that it was proper to charge 
certain stamp duties in the colonies and plantations.” This was not 


PATRICK HENRY 


89 


followed by a positive law and was evidently intended as a bait 
to wring out the real sentiment of the colonies. 

The king and his miserable counsellors speedily discovered that 
this course met with the most universal and determined hostility. 
This stamp act suggestion was made a special subject of consideration 
in the Virginia House of Burgesses. After due discussion a com¬ 
mittee was appointed to prepare an address to the king and a memorial 
to Parliament. The report of the committee was adopted. The 
resolutions maintained that Parliament was without legal right to 
levy taxes on a people having no representation in their body. There 
was no threat, no declaration of resistance and apparently fearful 
of the displeasures of the king and possible retaliation, the report pro¬ 
tested feebly and rather despairingly. Nothing availed, for in January, 
1765, the stamp act was passed to go into effect the following 
November. 

If the effect of the mere announcement of an intent to pass 
a stamp act created despair and consternation, the actual passage of 
the law provoked amazement, antagonism, utter and complete indigna¬ 
tion. Yet there was no suggestion of open revolt, no uttered intent 
to break with Britain. The people were rendered dumb and helpless 
at the very thought that such tyrannical power was actually about to be 
exercised against them. The colonists could hardly think that a law 
so subversive, so humiliating was about to be imposed. 

Great Britain was at the very apex of her power. The colonies, 
though prosperous, were young, weak, dependent. There appeared 
to be a solemn pause in the minds and hearts of the people, that quiet, 
expectant silence forewarning to those with visions of some great 
movement, some deep vibrant lull of the coming storm. George III 
did not see it, did not hear the rumbling, or if he did he was drunk 
with power and felt that colonial resistance could easily be suppressed. 

A year and six months had passed since Patrick Henry found 
himself in “The Parsons’ Case.” Yet so securely had he advanced 
in public esteem and confidence that the people demanded him to 
represent them in the House of Burgesses. They went so far as to 
supply the then incumbent with another job in order that Patrick 


90 


MAKING A NATION 


Henry might serve as a legislator in the body about to deliberate 
upon the passage of the Stamp Act. May i, 1765, he took the oath 
of office and was seated. 

To know fully the conditions we must note that the Virginia 
population w’as divided into great landed proprietors, who, wdth their 
immense estates and hordes of slaves represented almost the condi¬ 
tions, habits of life and aristocratic tendencies of English nobility. 
The next was composed of younger sons, who had become of some 
importance, retaining their pride without the wealth of the eldest 
born male. The then more numerous consisted of the small land 
owners who kept under the other two classes and did not venture to 
assert equality with their self-anointed betters. In this respect it 
closely resembled English society. 

The legislative body contained the best blood of the state. It 
was held to be one of the ablest and most dignified deliberative bodies 
in the world. Among its members w^ere Washington, Randolph, 
Richard, Henry Lee, Edmund Pendleton, Wythe, all men of parts, 
many of them noted orators and most of them belonging to the best 
families of Virginia. 

It was into this high and mighty aggregation of men that the 
yeoman, the plain lawyer was injected. Though it was known that 
Mr. Henry had been elected by reason of the passage of the stamp 
act, these very distinguished gentlemen of Virginia gave him no en¬ 
couragement to take the initiative, and he, never ambitious to thrust 
himself to the fore, w'aited patiently for the recognized leaders to 
move consideration of the weighty issue and to formulate a plan 
of action. ’ ,?| 

While this matter remained in abeyance, Mr. Henry was called 
on to oppose a plan for looting the state treasury, which he did so 
successfully and so masterfully, in spite of the opposition of the 
aristocracy, that while they feared, they did not dare withhold their 
admiration. But in spite of this impression, many of the upper class 
ridiculed his pronunciation, laughed at his coarse language, sneered 
at his plain apparel and gave him no friendly association. His spirit 
remained unruffled, he did nothing for effect. Though rough and 


PATRICK HENRY 


91 


coarse he was not rude, and even in his forensic battles he was gen¬ 
erous to his opponents, dealing out a natural courtesy inherent to 

towering genius, which can well afford to disdain the petty trivialties 
of smaller minds. 

The big men of the legislature rather desired to suppress this 
man of the people and at least did not want to give him further 

opportunities to increase his growing popularity. Henry waited with 

growing disgust and impatience for some representative member “to 
raise the banner of colonial liberty.” No man spoke. The situation 
was pregnant with so many difficulties that none seemed willing to 
move. The landed proprietors while filled with objection to the act 
did not want to jeopardize other interests and they still felt that 
time would bring compromise and relief and none of the class enter¬ 
tained the idea of revolution and separation from the mother country. 
Within three days of adjournment Patrick Henry resolved to make 
the great venture. His resolutions were prepared with little care 
and in substance they set forth: 

That the original settlers had brought with them and trans¬ 
mitted to their posterity all the rights, privileges and Immunities 
enjoyed by the people of Great Britain. 

That these privileges, liberties and immunities had been secured 
to the colonists by two Royal Charters granted by King James. 

That taxation of the people by themselves or by persons chosen 
by them was the destined character of British freedom without which 
the ancient constitution cannot subsist. 

That the people of Virginia had always enjoyed the right of 
being governed by their own assembly in the article of taxation and 
that this right had been constantly recognized by the king and people 
of Britain. 

“Resolved, therefore. That the general assembly of this colony 
have the sole right and power to levy taxes and impositions upon the 
inhabitants of the colony and that every attempt to vest such power 
in any other person or persons whatsoever, other than the general 
assembly aforesaid, has a manifest tendency to destroy British as 
well as American Freedom.” 


92 


MAKING A NATION 


I'he introduction of these startling resolutions was received 
with mingled emotions by the various groups of the assembly. The 
Royalists w^ere indignant, the timid shrunk wdthin themselves, acting 
as though they suspected that King George or his spies were con¬ 
cealed behind doors; others w-ere sincerely troubled, fearing that this 
premature boldness w’ould do more harm to colonial interests than 
good. Many spoke against the passage, who later gave up life, that 
of sons and all their wealth to the sacred cause of liberty. 

The debate was bloody. Henry, seconded by Johnson, lead 
the conflict. He w-as opposed by men long trained in public service, 
skilled in parliaremtary tactics. Nothing could daunt him. Henry 
had had but three weeks of legislative experience, but he was a 
match for the hosts of opposition. Here is one of his remarkable 
utterances in the civics of the debate: “Caesar had had Britain, 
Charles I his Cromwell (cries of treason), and George III may 
profit by their experience. If this be treason make the most of it!” 
He won his cause by one vote only! Payton Randolph, attorney 
general, stormed out of the hall exclaiming “by heavens, I would 
have given 500 guineas for a single vote!” 

Henry left Williamsburg immediately after the speech and the 
weak-kneed members recalled the final paragraph, but nothing could 
stay the stream that started to flow through America. 

Mr. Henry in later years described the event as follows: “I 
determined to venture alone, unadvised and unassisted. On a blank 
leaf of an old law' book I wrote the within. (Resolutions.) Many 
threats were uttered and much abuse cast on me by the party for 
submission. . . . The alarm spread throughout America with 
astonishing quickness. The great point of resistance to British taxa¬ 
tion was universally established in the colonies. This brought on the 
war which finally separated the tw'O countries, and gave Independence 
to ours.” 

New England quickened to the spirit w'hich Henr>^’s boldness 
and eloquence had kindled. Such a protest w^as manifested through 
the land, that Parliament, through the instrumentality of a new- 
ministry, repealed the obnoxious law. In America love quickly took 


PATRICK HENRY 


93 


the place of hatred, hope replaced despair, joy filled every soul, the 
affection for the king for a moment became stronger than ever. The 
people wanted to be lo5'al. 

The one man who stood calm and unmoved throughout this 
paroxism of ecstacy was Patrick Henry. His matchless vision pierced 
the future. He knew that revolution, conflict, war and final victory 
was America’s destiny. He had a profound opinion from the very 
inception of difference, that no permanent reconciliation would ever 
take place. In a distinguished company long before one drop of blood 
was shed in the contest with Great Britain he was asked whether or 
not Great Britain would drive the colonies to extremities. His answer 
was solemnly made, that “they will drive us to extremities, no accom¬ 
modations wdll take place, hostilities will soon commence, and a 
desperate and bloody touch it will be.” 

He was then asked if he thought a weak nation like the colonies 
could oppose successfully the armies and navies of Great Britain. 
“I doubt,” said Mr. Henry, “if alone we shall be able to cope with 
so powerful a nation. But where is France? . . . Will Louis 

XVI be asleep all this time? Believe me, no! When Louis XVI 
shall be satisfied of our serious opposition and our Declaration of 
Independence that all prospect of a reconciliation is gone, then, and 
not till then, wdll he furnish us wdth arms, ammunition and clothing; 
and not with these only, but he will send his fleets and armies to 
fight or battles for us. He will form with us a treaty, offensive 
and defensive against our unnatural mother . . . our inde¬ 

pendence will be established and we shall take our stand among the 
nations of the earth!” 

The company all were overcome by this voice of prophecy and 
at the wmrd independence they were deeply stirred. That utter¬ 
ance fell from Henry’s lips long before July 4, 1776, when we 
adopted Jefferson’s immortal declaration and justified our appeal to 
the God of War. The joy of the colonies w^as short lived. The stamp 
act repeal was followed by other acts of oppression and the king 
did not recede frorn his royal right to tax the people without their 
consent. 


94 


MAKING A NATION 


To Boston the world gives the honor of committing the first 
overt act of alleged treason in throwing a cargo of tea into the 
harbor, rather than allow it to land and pay thereon a duty of 
three cents per pound. By Royal order the port of Boston was closed. 
This mad act added fuel to the fire and Virginia, by a legislative act, 
caused the people everywhere to assemble and spend a day in praying 
that God avert the impending calamity which threatens destruction 
to civil liberty and which may bring on civil war. Prayers were 
further offered that his majesty and parliament may be inspired with 
wisdom, moderation and justice. This extremely moderate action 
of the assembly highly offended Governor Dunmore, appointee of 
the king, upon the charge that such terms reflected highly upon his 
majesty and the parliament of Great Britain and so this royal syco¬ 
phant dissolved the legislature. 

The members of the assembly adjourned to a nearby tavern and 
devised ways and means for the issuance of a call for a general congress 
of the colonies. A recommendation was issued containing among 
other significant declarations “that an attack on one of our sister 
colonies to compel submission to arbitrary taxes is an attack on all 
British America and threatens ruin to the rights of all, unless the 
united wisdom of the whole be applied.” The committee of cor¬ 
respondence, composed of eminent Virginians, started the movement 
for such congress. This was in May. A call was issued for a 
convention to be held in August in Williamsburg to select delegates 
to their general congress, which it was suggested should assemble 
at Philadelphia September 5. This general letter firmly declared 
^'zLre will never be taxed but by our own representatives'' 

The Virginia convention met at the appointed time. Its proceed¬ 
ings were marked by a solemn sense of responsibility and a fearless 
courage. Among the delegates chosen were George Wythe, Patrick 
Henr)^, Payton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee and otherwise, prudent 
and patriotic Americans. The written instructions to these congres¬ 
sional delegates evidenced a moderation most remarkable. It showed 
that the colonies were not even yet ready to admit the impossibility 
of reconciliation. Faith in King George was still expressed and the 


PATRICK HENRY 


95 


hope was expressed “of a return of that intercourse of affection and 
commercial connection that formerly united both countries and which 
can only be effected by a removal of the causes which have of late, 
unhappily divided us.” 

This congress met September 4, 1774, at Philadelphia and 
Payton Randolph of Virginia, presided. It was another solemn 
conclave of thoughtful but determined men. Upon organization, 
a sort of sacred silence fell upon the assemblage. The delegates 
were all representative men. Many were known to each other through 
individual fame and renown, through public office and distinguished 
service in the several colonies, but many had never met before face 
to face. The business was fearfully momentous. The lives, fortunes 
and liberties of three million humans were held in the hollow of 
their hands. Posterity would be influenced through countless genera¬ 
tions by the wisdom or folly of their deeds. The hour was pregnant 
with infinite possibilities. Every man, save one, hesitated to open 
discussion. As if moved by a magic power entirely beyond him, 
Patrick Henry slowly, haltingly, arose, deprecating his own unfitness, 
launched into a recital of colonial wrongs, realizing the patience 
with which they had been borne, the hopes of peaceful adjustment. 
From then on his address arose in grandeur and sublimity, until it 
seemed to be strokes of oratorical thunder from the very heavens 
above. There was no rant, no confusion of utterance, no demagogery, 
his words swept on in majestic swell to a climax that stirred the 
soul of every delegate to the mountain top of patriotism. It was 
that clarion call to duty, self-sacrifice in the cause of liberty that in 
all ages, has called men to do and die in their struggle upward to 
the light. 

Richard Plenry Lee followed. He was wise, chaste, classic, 
elegant but less overwhelming, less stupendous. The result of these 
two speeches was the adoption of a resolution authorizing a petition 
to the king, an address to the people of Great Britain and a memorial 
to the citizens of the colonies. Henry and Lee with others were 
appointed to draft these various and important documents. Henry 
was selected to draft the petition to the king and Lee was appointed 


96 


MAKING A NATION 


to write the address to the people of England. Both papers failed to 
satisfy the delegates, for upon presentation, as delicately as possible 
the congress decided upon amendment and reconstruction, and other 
men finished the work both of Henry and Lee. 

I rather disagree to the opinion of some that Patrick Henry 
was incapable of forceful composition. Patrick Heni*}^ had long 
satisfied himself that revolution and war was inevitable and his heart 
was in no task that looked to compromise. It was rather this feeling 
than lack of ability which made his petition to the king unacceptable 
to his fellow delegates. 

The addresses which finally reached the mother country created 
a very profound impression. Mr. Pitt, in the House of Lords, among 
other things, after paying a great tribute to the congress, said “I trust 
that it is obvious to 5mur lordships that all attempts to impose servitude 
upon such men, to establish a despotism over such a mighty continental 
nation, must be vain, must be futile.” Congress adjourned in October. 
After the storm of national debate Mr. Henry returned to his home, 
feeling more firmly than ever that the die had been cast, and that it 
would be but a brief lapse of time when the colonies would be in 
desperate conflict with the armies of the king and that nothing could 
stay the awful catastrophe. 

It was not yet in the disposition of Virginia nor of the people 
at large in the several colonies to push matters to the extreme. The 
second Virginia convention was held March 2i, 1775, in an old 
Richmond church. Its sessions opened with that oft repeated declara¬ 
tion of faith in the king. Henry now grew openly impatient at this 
temporizing spirit, so when the undaunted Patrick offered a resolution 
calling for a well regulated militia composed of gentlemen and 5^eomen, 
thus doing away with the quartering of mercenary soldiers of the 
king, and in order that the colony of Virginia might be put in a 
state of complete defense, he roused the storm of his whole career. 

Some of the noblest patriots of the state fought Henry at every 
point. They urged that the late petition to the king and the address 
to the people of Great Britain had been graciously received, that all 
hope of peace had not been lost and that such an act would destroy 


PATRICK HENRY 


97 


every possible chance of averting war with the most powerful nation 
of the world, that it would be time to resort to such a measure of 
desperation when every well founded hope had completely vanished. 
These arguments, submitted with deepest concern, stirred Henry to 
again venture on alone. Then it was that he delivered that speech 
to which there is no equal in all the utterances of men. Among other 
things he said: 

He was tactful, admitting the ability and sterling worth of those 
who disagreed; this was no time to stand on ceremony, that silence 
in such a crisis was treason to his country, disloyalty toward the 
majesty of heaven; it was natural for men to indulge in the allusions 
of hope, but wise men did not shut their eyes to the truth; he knew 
but one guide, the lamp of experience; that armies and fleets were 
the implements of war and subjugation and were not necessary to the 
work of love and reconciliation; that we have tried argument, en¬ 
treaty and humiliation; we have tried petition, remonstrance, supplica¬ 
tion “until there is no longer any room for hope;” if America wished 
“to be free she must fight! An appeal to arms and the God of Hosts 
is all that if left us!” 

He demolished the claim that we were w'eak, predicted the 
assistance of other nations, and swore that three million people, 
armed in the holy cause of liberty, were invincible. To those who 
plead for peace he answered, “There is no peace! The war is 
actually begun. The next gale that sweeps from the north will 
bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms. Our brethren are 
already in the field! Why stand we here idle? Is life so dear or 
peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? 
Forbid it. Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; 
but as for me. Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death!” There was no 
applause. In every soul sprang the unuttered cry “to arms, to arms.” 
Such a call to action could not remain unheeded. Henry’s resolutions 
carried. 

TTere is no oration in all history to which this masterpiece can 
be compared. Certainly Henry’s effort far exceeds in theme and treat¬ 
ment Shakespeare’s Mark Anthony’s oration over the dead Caesar. 


98 


MAKING A NATION 


There the Roman appealed to the passion of vengeance and wrought 
cunningly upon an ignorant mob to “stir them to mutiny and rage.” 
Brutus was nobler in his defense, for his act in the removal of Caesar 
was inspired rightly or wrongly by the highest sense of patriotic duty. 
Both speeches take high rank. Clay’s speech on the Missouri Com¬ 
promise and Webster’s reply to Hayne are high spots in forensic 
literature. John Q. Adams’ great plea in the Supreme Court of the 
United States for the negro defendants in the Anistad Case was a 
never-to-be-forgotten address. Lincoln’s Gettysburg and second in¬ 
augural speeches stand supremely fine, but somehow Patrick Henry 
seems to have overleaped them all in this super-appeal wherein he 
not only sired the birth of a new nation, but baptized his offspring 
with the sacred waters of patriotism and undying sacrifice. 

He collected facts and laid them naked and bare before the 
startled gaze of his countrymen. He anayzed conditions with unspar¬ 
ing precision. From this analysis he drew unerring conclusions. His 
finale was an appeal not to passion, not to emotion, but to the con¬ 
sciences of men, who, highly stirred, rushed even to death that right, 
equity, justice and liberty shall be preserved to the upward-struggling 
sons of men. His prophetic eye swept down the years to come. 
He saw the rising hosts that would multiply even as the sands of the 
sea. He saw the shining sun lighting the pathway to victory and 
fear fled as that mighty voice thundered forth the call to supreme 
duty. He, too, faced leaders, brave and wise, yet almost without the 
vision to read that the crucial hour was at hand. 

True to form, England, while craftily speaking, softly had begun 
the insidious w'ork of military subjugation. The king’s troops not only 
destro5'ed our guns and ammunition wherever discovered, but the 
importation of gunpowder was forbidden by royal decree. Again 
Patrick Henry was prophetically right. That first northern gale 
had borne the news of armed conflict. Lexington and the shedding 
of colonial blood in other localities swept the people to arms. Then 
a threat was made by British officers at Williamsburg, Virginia, that 
resistance to the constituted authority would cause them to free the 
slaves and lay the town in ashes. 


PATRICK HENRY 


99 


Governor Dunmore tried to stem the tide and through Payton 
Randolph promised to restore the power he had stolen and replace 
the guns he had rendered useless and the people again for a time 
refrained from action. This vacillation did not please Patrick Henry. 
He organized a company of militia and addressed them with patriotic 
appeal. Henry was made captain and he proceeded on the way to 
Williamsburg and sent his ensign with a demand for the sum of 
330 L. in money as damage for the powder or bring Corbin, Custodian, 
back a prisoner. He was not to be found, so Captain Henry with his 
soldiers advanced and the royalists in cowardly fear, fled to ships. 
In vain, the Governor thundered out proclamations, Henry persisted 
and the Governor finally surrendered to the demands of the Virginian 
and paid the money spot cash. The Governor in his report for the 
payment tried to bind Henry, but he would not be bound and it 
was explicitly understood that the indemnity would be used, in case 
it became necessary, for defensive purposes. This happened May 
4 , 1775 - 

After matters had assumed the appearance of safety for Gov¬ 
ernor Dunmore, he broke faith, and conferred a great distinction on 
Patrick Henry. He played the baby act, accused the patriot of 
having secured this money on false pretenses, that Henry was an 
awfully bad sort of a chap, that he had said nasty things about the 
king, had shown great disrespect to the royal governor, that Patrick 
was at the head of troops in defiance of law and authority, that 
Patrick was inciting these troops to acts of war. He wound up his 
weak, puny, contemptible proclamation, charging all persons, upon 
their allegiance, not to aid, abet or give countenance “to a certain 
Patrick Henry.” 

Then followed the announcement in the usual form and what 
his majesty and the Governor of Virginia would do to anybody who 
would violate any of the injunctions contained in said document. If 
this ever caused the object of such wrath any trouble, history does 
not so say. 

As soon as he had proved to his countrymen that English Gov¬ 
ernors and English Regulars were by no means invincible, he left 


100 


MAKING A NATION 


for a session of Congress. So far Henry had lead resistance to the 
stamp act; had fought the policy of temporizing in the first conven¬ 
tion, and now he had shown the possibilities of organized militia, and 
had demonstrated by actual leadership that victory over Britain was 
possible. In all bold projects of his colony he had taken the honor¬ 
able lead. 

The second Congress met at Philadelphia May lO, I 775 * Twelve 
colonies were represented. Meanwhile New England was leaping to 
the standard of defense, spurred on to avenge her murdered sons. 
There was now no disposition to temporize. Congress resolved that 
the colonies “be immediately put in a state of self defense.” Com¬ 
mittees were chosen on fortifications; ways and means to procure 
arms and other military stores; committee on finance; rules and regu¬ 
lations for an army. The climax came in the selection of George 
Washington as commander-in-chief, who left Congress for camp 
and to assume command at Boston. There was no need here for the 
magic spur of Patrick Henry. It was a business session, the details 
of which had no appeal for him, nor did he at this convention attract 
any unusual attention. His work had been done, as was proved by 
the united high resolve of the Congress. 

Dunmore’s further acts of inhumanity, his treachery, his tyran¬ 
nies, his absurd orders, his second flight to ship board, had emboldened 
the people to begin real military preparation for war. Two regiments 
were quickly recruited, composed of willing volunteers. Patrick 
Henry was not appointed, but elected colonel of the first regiment, 
and on September 20 resigned his seat in Congress, to command his 
regiment. 

At this period Patrick Henry suffered a rebuff which reflected 
no great credit on his associates. Anxious to serve as an officer, en¬ 
joying the loyalty and affection of his men, the committee of safety, 
and his brother officers so wounded his dignity and honor, by with¬ 
holding opportunities justly his and preferring others to promotions 
to which he was entitled, that he was compelled to return his com¬ 
mission to Congress and to the state. The fighting men knew the 
truth. So indignant were they, that many wanted to quit the service. 


PATRICK HENRY 


101 


Again Colonel Henry showed the quality of his patriotism by recall¬ 
ing the men to a high sense of duty, hiding the deep hurt which 
had been inflicted upon him. My own opinion is that he should have 
been given an opportunity to serve. He had keen perception, quick 
decision, the courage of a lion and even though so great and just a 
man as George Washington distrusted his military ability. 

I feel that Henry did not receive just treatment. Certain it is 
that his past service to the country demanded honorable treatment, 
and beyond a doubt he was deprived of this opportunity by a com¬ 
bination of other military men of aristocratic birth, who in all prob¬ 
ability did not want to see Patrick Henry repeat in war that great 
glory which thus far he had achieved in the Councils of Peace. Thus 
he who had given impetus to revolution and war was relegated to the 
rank of a silent, though interested, observer. 

Upon the dissolution of the Virginia House of Burgesses by 
the order of Royalist Governor Dunmore, there had been no legal 
sessions, and no elected delegates. Meetings had been called and 
matters of grave importance considered. In May, 1776, there was 
another called and an election held to which Mr. Henry was promptly 
selected as a delegate. On May 15 resolutions were adopted which 
declared Virginia and the United Colonies free and independent 
states and absolved from all allegiance to Great Britain, and that a 
committee be appointed to prepare a declaration of rights. This 
bold action, looking to an absolute severerance of the tie between the 
countries, was unanimously endorsed and received by the people with 
expressions of joy. 

The unmerited slight inflicted by the military snobs had neither 
dimmed Henry’s patriotism nor his popularity with the citizens. Under 
the government established by the new legislature, it was necessary 
to elect a governor. The ballot taken on July i, 1776, showed that 
selection of Patrick Henry by a substantial majority. The people 
rejoiced, congratulations were heaped upon the new official. His late 
regiment sent him a wonderful address. The palace of the late 
royal governor was prepared for the first real governor of the people. 
This man, who in his earlier years had known privation, and want. 


102 


MAKING A NATION 


who had failed in business, who had known deepest humiliation, was 
now, by law, commander-in-chief of the military forces of the greatest 
commonwealth in the American colonies. Matters were so sensibly 
conducted that though the country was in a state of war, and much 
confusion prevailed, internal affairs were carried on without obstruc¬ 
tion or confusion. 

The gubernatorial office was of great importance and upon its 
occupant devolved tremendous responsibility. It was his duty to lay 
plans for public safety; to keep alive public spirit and courage; to 
supply and equip troops for the Federal army; to maintain an active 
local and state militia; to guard against the treason of the royalist 
tories within; and to watch the public treasury. It is difficult to 
serve efficiently in times of peace; far more when war comes and 
with it is exactions and sacrifice. Flenry was accorded almost the 
powers of a dictator not because he thirsted for higher honors but 
because the people thought it necessary and because they knew he 
would not abuse authority. 

He carried into high place that same modesty and simplicity wffiich 
marked every stage of his thrilling career, and at no time was he 
tempted to assume any attitude other than that of an humble citizen 
called to the devoted service of his country in the hour of peril. 

The nation had suffered defeat in many battles. A combination 
was formed against Washington, who of all men had remained firm 
and steadfast to the holy cause. The ^‘Conway-Cabal” was carried 
to the national congress. Washington gave it scant attention. His 
great mind was planning moves ahead in the great game of war. 
The conspirators sought to entice Patrick Henry to join the opposition 
to General Washington, but the Governor of Virginia knew too well 
the ability, the honor, the devotion of Washington to the cause of 
liberty. The enemies of Washington sought to inflame Mr. Henry 
against Washington, alleging that it was Washington who was 
responsible for Henry’s military humiliation. Secret and anonymous 
letters were laid before Governor Henry and these he laid before 
General Washington to apprise him, of the menace to him and to the 
country. The Governor took this action because he did not think 


PATRICK HENRY 


103 


Washington should be condemned and dishonored because of temporal}'’ 
disaster and because he knew the greatness of the man and the country’s 
need of him. 

Washington was grateful for Henry’s loyalty and never forgot 
this friend who stood by him in the hour of need. The plot failed. 
Many of the conspirators lived to acknowledge with shame this 
guilty transaction which so nearly brought evil upon the country. 
Had Washington been displaced, no man can tell what might have 
been the fate of the United States. But he made no political fight. 
He remained in the field, at the post of duty and in the final analysis 
the good sense of the nation prevailed. Washington remained at the 
head of the army until the last British regular was expelled from 
our sacred soil. America lived to appreciate the failure of “The 
Conway-Cabal,” and General Conway repented in sack-cloth and 
ashes. 

Now another test came to Henry. The Constitution of Virginia 
provided that the Governor could not hold office exceeding three years. 
Shortly before the expiration of this term Governor Henry addressed 
a letter to the speaker of the House, stating that as under the Con¬ 
stitution he deemed himself ineligible for a further term, it was his 
intention to retire. Many of his friends saw a technicality upon 
which Henry might have enjoyed a second term, but Mr. Henry 
was too good a patriot to violate the state Constitution in letter or 
spirit, and he refused to permit even an attempt again to force him to 
serve as Governor. This was in i779- 

The following year he was elected to and served in the legis¬ 
lature. At this time the traitor, Arnold, ravaged parts of Virginia. 
Other generals on the British side continued depredations and inflicted 
great suffering among the people. The English armies so infested 
the land that the legislature rarely met and often that body was 
without a quorum. Things had arrived at such a state of danger 
and confusion that there was much talk of putting affairs in the 
hands of a dictator. There is no doubt that if such had been determined 
upon that the people had such faith in Patrick Henry that he would 
have been chosen. Elappily the tide of battle turned in favor of the 


104 


MAKING A NATION 


American armies and the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown ren¬ 
dered a drastic dictatorship unnecessary. 

Mr. Henry’s work was still unfinished. He continued to repre¬ 
sent his country in the Legislature. The war over, he sought to 
remove from his countrymen all hatred and bitterness against return¬ 
ing loyalists and lead the successful fight for the passage of an act 
inviting the return of British refugees. Opposition stirred in him 
all his old time eloquence. He was irresistible. Said he in his 
speech: “Afraid of them? What, shall we, who have laid the proud 
British lion at our feet, now be afraid of his whelps?” In the midst 
of active legislative labors he was again elected Governor in 1784 
and re-elected in 1785. He declined a third term in order to give 
some attention to his private business, which had suffered neglect 
by reason of his arduous and long-continued public service. 

“The approbation of my country is the highest reward to which 
my mind is capable of aspiring, and I shall return to private life, highly 
gratified in the recollection of this instance of the regard shown me 
by the House; having only to regret that my abilities to serve my 
country have come so far short of my wishes.” 

It took but a few years to convince every thoughtful American, 
that the new nation could never function under the articles of 
confederation. Matters of commerce, interstate navigation, taxation, 
utter lack of power to enforce national decree, caused endless friction, 
and rendered the national authority weak and inefficient and often 
impotent. The nation was in debt, soldiers unpaid, while foreign 
nations committed gravest crimes against our trade, sunk our ships, 
confiscated our cargoes and murdered our seamen. Therefore, the 
Virginia Legislature concurred in the plan calling for a Constitutional 
Convention to be held at Philadelphia, May 2, 1787. Among the 
delegates chosen were George Washington and Patrick Henry. 

It was this convention which adopted our present Constitution, 
but Mr. Henry did not accept his appointment. He was now fifty 
years of age and. devoted his energies to the repair of his broken 
fortune. A copy of the Constitution was sent to him by George 
Washington. Henr^^ did not favor its ratification, though he greatly 


PATRICK HENRY 


105 


respected those on the other side. He was selected as a delegate 
to the Virginia Convention called solely to approve or reject the 
new Constitution. For nearly three weeks Henry devoted his Her¬ 
culean power in opposition. He turned what appeared an over- 
w^helming vote favorable to ratification to a bare majority of ten. 

It w’as through this great fight against great odds, that before 
adjournment, the Convention agreed on a recommendation, for a bill 
of rights and a series of proposed amendments covering the objections 
so valiantly set forth by Patrick Henry and his associates. When 
he saw that defeat w-as sure he manfully and gamely submitted and 
declared that he w^ould lawfully abide by the result, and would vouch, 
by precept and example to inculcate this doctrine on all around him. 

True to his word he used only honorable means, but his doubt 
of the efficacy of the new^ Constitution could not be removed. He 
opposed Madison, a Federalist, for the United States Senate and was 
pow’erful enough to bring about the election of Richard Henry Lee 
and Thomas Grayson. By further unabated exertion Henry suc¬ 
ceeded in bringing about the adoption of ten new amendments, which 
! to this day form a component part of the Constitution of the United 
, States. Mr. Henry continued in the Legislature until 1791, when 
; he retired, this time he hoped permanently, though he still continued 
' to practice law, appearing, however, only in causes of extreme im¬ 
portance. 

When Patrick Henry w^as a very old and worn man, when his 
limbs trembled with his weight of years, the Republicans, lead by 
Jefferson and Monroe, sought to defeat John Marshall, later on 
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, for Con- 
' gress. They hated Marshall because he was a Federalist and could 
' not be controlled or bent to their will. Henry, though retired from 
public life, still enjoyed the confidence and esteem of Virginia and 
^ his opinion had great weight w'ith voters. Political enemies of Marsh- 
i all spread the report that Patrick Henry was opposed to his election. 
These two great men held contrary political opinions. In spite of 
this, Mr. Henry publicly branded the report of his opposition to Mar¬ 
shall as false. On the contrary he said that Marshall was pre-eminently 








106 


MAKING A NATION 


fitted for the House position and that he could have the loyal support 
of Patrick Henry. This did not please the Republicans. Thus again 
Henry demonstrated that his conduct was always guided solely by his 
conception of the public welfare. 

He had a wonderful disposition and though he could not refrain 
occasionally from biting humor, he was never ungenerous and was 
alwaj^s professionally chivalrous to his opponents. 

While in retirement, cunning politicians again sought to widen 
what they supposed was a breach between Patrick Henry and George 
Washington. How poorly these small creatures measured these two 
great Americans is revealed when Washington offered honor after 
honor to Henry, the greatest distinction being that of a proffer of the 
great office of Secretary of State. In one of his letters to Lee, who 
acted for President Washington in this delicate matter, Mr. Henry said 
“Every insinuation that sought me to believe I had forfeited the good 
will of that (George Washington) personage to whom the world had 
agreed to ascribe the appellation of good and great, must needs give me 
pain. . . . The intimation now given me that there was no 
ground to believe that I had incurred his displeasure, gives me very 
great pleasure.” “Since the adoption of the present Constitution I 
have generally moved in a narrow circle. But in that circle I have 
never omitted to inculcate a strict adherence to its principles and I 
have the satisfaction to think that in no part of the Union have the 
laws been more pointedly obeyed than in that where I have resided 
and spent my time.” 

Because Mr. Henry did not approve the Jay treaty of peace 
with England he was constrained to decline the post, but he did so 
with grateful respect and gratitude to Washington, who made the 
offer in complete sincerity. 

After an election to the Governorship of Virginia again in 1796 
he declined the office. In 1799 President John Adams appointed 
Mr. Henry as one of three ambassadors to France. This, too, was 
declined, this time on the ground of years and ill health. This year, 
too, he was urged by George Washington to return to Congress or 
the Virginia Legislature because of great ferment in politics and the 


PATRICK HENRY 


107 


necessity of conservative treatment of issues that almost threatened 
the stability of the countr)^ Jefferson and his group were endeavor¬ 
ing to stampede the country into an open alliance with France and 
Washington advocated neutrality. Washington was shamefully vili¬ 
fied and because he wanted a strong central government he was 
charged with monarchical intent. 

On this subject in a letter by him Mr. Henry wrote: “I see 
with concern our old commander-in-chief most abusively treated, 
nor are his many and great services remembered as any apology for his 
mistakes in an office to which he was totally unaccustomed. If he 
whose character as our leader during the whole war was above all 
praise, is so roughly handled in his old age, what may be expected 
of men of the common standard of character?” 

He finally agreed to stand again for election and in 1799, after 
a great address to the voters of his district he was elected by his 
usual majority. Had he lived he would have encountered in this legis¬ 
lature the most intense opposition of his career, but he passed on, 
June 6, 1799, at the age of 63. 

In that day when unbelief was rampant, Patrick Henry was 
a God fearing man. When others cowered in fear he advanced with 
courage; when others submitted he fought; when others despaired 
he hoped. His was the spirit that kindled matchless courage, that 
created armies, that made men fight, starve, die, rather than yield 
to tyranny and oppression. 

Poverty did not daunt him nor riches tempt him to arrogance 
or pride. When at the zenith of riches, power, fame he was quite 
as sweet and humble as when tilling the soil of his tiny and un¬ 
productive farm. He never sought office but he was called to service 
always by his countrymen. No American faced more profound issues 
and none evidenced greater mastery in popular leadership. He was 
virtuously inclined both in public and private life. He was the 
miraculous product of a supreme epoch. We cannot add to his fame. 
America guards it with sacred reverence. “A good name is more 
to be deserved than precious ointment.” Through all ages when 






108 


MAKING A NATION 


i 


and wherever men battle for freedom, his words will resound, calling 
sons of liberty to give all to the cause of justice and humanity. 

Mr. Henry’s oratory was of the bold and masculine kind. His 
delivery was easy and natural. He wasted no word or effort on an 
unimportant thought. He always built through successive stages 
to a sublime climax. Age mellowed, refined, exalted, him. He and 
Richard Henry Lee were the greatest orators of the state. Lee was 
polished, Henry rugged; Lee like a beautiful brook, Henry like a 
torrent from the mountain top. Lee was impulsive, easily angered, i 
Henry deliberate and even tempered, always considerate of a de¬ 
feated foe. 

Henry’s was a career extraordinary. From tradesman, from 
farm, from tavern he responded to the call of opportunity. 

“There is a tide in the affairs 
of men that leads to fortune.” 

Negligent of business, careless of dress, living in the present moment, 
tilling soil, tending bar in a tavern, failing ever. 

A nation’s peril was the tide which swept him to golden oppor¬ 
tunity and the apex of service and achievement. He bursts the bonds 
of enchaining circumstance, he broke forth in burning words of 
inspired eloquence and a nation leapt to action at his magic speech. 
He became the master mighty moving spirit of gigantic revolution, 
not such as pulled France down into the tragic and tainted excesses 
of crime and assassination but a transformation in human society 
whose vital force was founded upon virtue, honor, true patriotism. 
Other men have stirred nations to tremendous action through oratory, 
but no man born inspired the masses to higher or nobler resolve than 
did this Virginia yeoman, who remained an honest, God fearing plain 
man with a nation at his feet. 



Thomas Jefferson 


F ew there are sufficiently bold to challenge posterity’s verdict 
by writing their own epitaph. History may not always trust 
this important function to the individual. The over modest will 
hide true worth in the carved sentiment, the unduly ambitious may 
strain the truth, in that to be forgiven desire for the good will of those 
who come after us, while love and affection behold in the dead, virtues 
often never practiced in life. But between undue and shrinking mod¬ 
esty, unchecked ambition and affectionate regard, lies the truth which 
while “it writes faults upon sands of seas,” still weighs justice out 
both to the living and the dead. 

After the death of Thomas Jefferson, there was found among 
his papers, a memoranda directing that, if it was thought advisable 
to erect a memorial to him, that it take the shape of a small granite 
obelisk upon which should be carved 

“Here Lies Buried 

THOMAS JEFFERSON 

Author of the Declaration of Independence 
of the Statutes of Virginia for Religious Freedom 
and Father of the University of Virginia.” 

Jefferson was more than felicitous in the epitaph. His place in 
American History, his status as world thinker, would have been high 
indeed had he brought to pass only the three achievements, carved on 
granite and still standing at Monticello. Between the time of the 
writing of the Declaration of Independence and the establishment of 
the University of Virginia there lies a world of rugged endeavor. In 
the interim he planned cunningly, wrought deeply, sinned cheaply, 
philosophized wisely and at the end died unhappily. 

Devoted to freedom he owned slaves; favoring State rights, he 
strained the power of the National Constitution to the limit; preaching 


110 


MAKING A NATION 


virtue he practiced sin; prating fairness, he employed character 
assassins; at other times standing on Constitutional' guarantees, he yet 
set it aside by subverting and subordinating co-equal branches of the 
national Government to the domination of the executive. Hating 
office, he served the Nation in office for 40 years. Yet in spite of these 
contradictory elements of his nature, he was a true patriot. He was 
a vital force in giving inspiration to the sons of liberty—he performed 
prodigious constructive service to the Nation and his own State and 
his faith in and labors for the plain people in season and out, never 
faltered or wavered, although, toward the close of his eventful life, 
he expressed doubt as to the stability of the Union and the efficacy 
of our form of Government, doubts previously expressed by George 
Washington and Alexander Hamilton. 

Thomas Jefferson w'as born April 13, 1743, neither an aristocrat 
nor plebian in that early day in Virginia. In those days to be other 
than a devoted loyalist was truly unfashionable. These gentry of 
Virginia were a loud-swearing, cock fighting, sporting, horse loving, 
gambling, drinking set of men. Brave as roystering bravery goes, 
polite in formalities, chivalrous to wmmen, good masters of their black 
slaves, devoted to His Majesty, the King. They were proud, haughty, 
stiff-necked, inflated with a sense of their own importance, and hated 
trade and labor. They fox hunted, duelled, dressed well, drank deeply 
and were content to exploit the eldest son in the inheritance and 
management of property and estate. 

Jefferson entered Williams and Mary College at 17 and en¬ 
joyed the rare privilege of association with Governor Fauquer, the 
gambling governor of Virginia, Professor Small, Patrick Henry and 
George Wythe. He claims to have put in fifteen hours a day in 
study. After graduating from college he studied law with George 
Wj^the, who also taught law to Henry Clay and Chief Justice 
Marshall. Jefferson was called to the bar 1767 and practiced for 
seven years. It has been variously claimed that the source of Jefferson’s 
particular inspiration lay in the first Revolutionary speech of Patrick 
Henry. This is not wholly true. Jefferson w^as a student and deep 
thinker along liberal lines before he had even met Henry or heard him 
make a speech. 


THOMAS JEFFERSON 


111 


Should a candidate for public office do today what JeiEferson did 
in seeking election to the Virginia house of Burgesses, the opposition 
would surely unseat him. At his election in 1768, he did three things— 
kept open house. Voters were free to come and go and eat at will. 
His black slaves served punch without limit made out of Jamacia 
rum. Not the weak pitfiul substitute of these degenerate days, but 
punch containing a real honest to God kick. Doubtless the directions 
were not to stint in serving the concoction. The slaves, however, 
were to be discreet and not give to a voter too big a load of wet 
temptation, until after he had voted. It is said that during the 
progress of the election there were stacks of honorable Virginia voters 
lying around, in various stages of intoxicated happiness, while the 
young and victorious politicians politely bowed to each and every 
citizen who had named him as the favored one. The voter appeared 
at the polling place, and loudly called out the name of his candidate. 
A scribe or clerk wrote it down. Ye Gods, what a picnic for Tammany 
hall in New York or some of the ambitious politicians of our own 
country. The record does not disclose any limit to the number of 
times a citizen might vote or take a drink of punch. He took his seat 
in 1769 and jumped into immediate action against the royalist gover¬ 
nor Bolecourt, who dissolved the legislature for its anti-royalist 
expressions. 

Jefferson and several of the disciples of freedom organized a 
committee on correspondence through which they circulated letters 
of information containing appeals to patriotism and through this 
committee was discussed the advisability of holding a general con¬ 
gress. In 1774, Thomas Jefferson drafted a set of instructions to a 
state convention, which, while not passed, were printed and given 
great vogue here and in England, in that country through Edmund 
Burke. It was a striking view of the rights of British America. It 
was an attack upon the legal power of the Crown to coerce the 
Colonies and was more or less treasonable. Jefferson expected an 
attempt against his person for this violation of the law. He was 
proscribed and his name enrolled in a bill of attainder. His boldness 
at this period contrasts with his timidity at later times. This was 


112 


MAKING A NATION 


two years prior to the adoption of the Declaration of Independence 
and Jefferson himself admitted “That the leap was too long as yet 

for the mass of our citizens.” He wrote to John Randolph, his 

cousin, who was a Royalist in 1775, “Rather than submit to regula¬ 
tions passed by the British parliament which they will so cruelly ex¬ 
ercise, I would lend my hand to sink the whole island in the ocean.” 

A little later in 1775, he wrote to his relative “To undo his 

empire, the King has but one more truth to learn, that after the 

Colonies have drawn the sword, there is but one more step they can 
take. There is not in the British empire a man who more cordially 
loves our union with Great Britian than I do, but by the God that 
made me, I will cease to exist before I will yield to a connection on 
such terms as the British parliament proposes.” 

In May, 1776, Jefferson returned to Virginia. That state in¬ 
structed her congressional representatives to insist that congress de¬ 
clare national independence. June iith, Jefferson was elected to head 
a committee of the Continental Congress to draft such Declaration 
of Indepenednce. The uncontradicted evidence is, that this immortal 
document was the sole work of Jefferson. It does not lessen his glorj’ 
that parts of his original draft were omitted on its final passage. It 
may have been lengthy and verbose, but it nevertheless was the 
magna charta of popular liberty and its Influence upon the destiny of 
the world will Increase rather than diminish as time passes on. The 
tragic defiance of the Colonies had been uttered. It was now general 
independence or the destruction of every active, bold, fearless partiot 
in the Thirteen Colonies. As Franklin said it was “Hang together 
or hang separately.” 

A thin Congressional delegate from Massachusetts said jokingly to 
a fat one from Virginia, “And if they catch us and hang us, you 
sir, will be long dead ere I cease kicking.” On July i ith, nine Colonies 
voted in the affirmative, and New York was tied in Instructions to its 
delegates. Such quick action had been effected that in spite of certain 
different views the Thirteen Colonies practically became unanimous 
on the momentous issue. Two paragraphs were strlken, one denounc¬ 
ing the King for his failure to put a stop to the slave trade and 


THOMAS JEFFERSON 


113 


another for hiring soldiers, bought and paid for, who belonged to other 
nations. With the eye of a prophet, Jefferson saw what the adoption 
of this document meant to the world and to England, the Colonies and 
himself. He sat speechless through the long debate. John Adams did 
the talking in its favor, yet in after years, inspired by hatred of 
Jefferson, Adams rather sought to dim the glory of its author. Jef¬ 
ferson fully predicted the effect of the Declaration on subsequent 
history. Said he, “So certain is the arrangement of cause and conse¬ 
quence in the world, that a two penny duty on tea unjustly imposed 
changes the constitution of all its inhabitants. All Europe, Russia 
excepted, had caught the spirit. To attain this however, rivers of 
blood must yet flow and years of desolation pass over.” 

Aside from its instantaneous effect from a political and inter¬ 
national point of view, the Declaration is a product of great merit. 
Through long endured wrong, masses of Colonists had been aroused 
to great passion and inspired to heroic sacrifice. The masses, however, 
had given neither great thought to their wrongs nor had they form¬ 
ulated any real expression of them. It was given unto Jefferson the 
great glory of voicing this faithful protest and kindling the fire upon 
the sacred altar of human liberty. God never implanted in human 
heart or brain more sublime utterance nor higher inspiration to the 
oppressed at any period of recorded history. It struck with terror the 
monarch on the throne. It gave strength to weakness and imparted a 
matchless courage to hitherto fearful people of the Thirteen Colonies 
through dark hours of danger and defeat, through years of privation 
and hardship it was as a flaming pillar of fire, illuminating the path¬ 
way of a struggling people to final victory, against the unequalled 
might of a nation vastly superior in wealth, power and resource, 
without apparent limit. Not since creation have the voice of plain 
people resounded in such clarion tones—the Declaration awakened a 
sleeping world! 

The world knew little of political philosophy. In the breast of 
France there was a nameless longing for something, the people scarce 
knew what. When Royalties danced, fed and drank, while taxed toilers 
starved, men awoke to the fallacy of the Divine Right of Kings. 


114 


MAKING A NATION 


Popular submission was the rule, Union of church and state also 
fostered cruel oppression. Popular rights were unknown and plain 
men were intended solely for the benefit and exploitation of the gov¬ 
erning few. These inherited curses, had made of men, slaves to power 
and privilege. A superhuman crisis in the affairs of men, had given 
to Thomas Jefferson a mission alloted by God to man, but seldom in 
the progress of the world. In the ordinary course of human events 
so profound a revolution in human thought would have occupied 
centuries in its development. But the love of liberty had been swiftly 
inplanted in the mind and soul of the Colonists, providing fertile 
soil for a new and keen political philosophy, which could not but 
rapidly spread to the suffering and down trodden peoples of the 
world. Fortunate, indeed was it, the new nation was distant from the 
domain of oppression. Had not a wide ocean separated the English 
monarch from these Colonial possessions, he might really have dis¬ 
covered the truth, and might thereupon have waged a more forceful 
war of subjection, or he might have exercised a spirit of conciliation, 
which might have kept the Colonies still loyal to the crown. 

While Jefferson seemed to forecast the result of the Declaration, 
it is quite certain that the King of England failed to be impressed 
by its importance. For he set aside the wise advise of the real statesmen 
of his Court and listened to the panderers and sycophants who saw 
opportunities for their own personal gain by stirring up the troubles 
between the Crown and the Colonies. The King did not appreciate the 
fact that this Declaration cut from under him his very source of 
power and that in it was set forth a science of government entirely 
at variance with that of the Crown, which sought to govern without 
the consent of the governed. That all power resided in the people, 
that rulers, whoever they might, or wheresoever found, were the 
servants and not the masters of the people, and that after all, the 
basic foundation, and the vital cause, lay the principle of the native 
equality of the human race. This was the first real Declaration, 
since the ancient Republic of Greece and Rome, of the right and 
inherent ability of the people to govern themselves. This, too, by a 
man who two years before expressed no higher wish than to be loyally 
united to Great Britian. 


THOMAS JEFFERSON 


115 


Elaborate notes made throughout his life of events in connection 
with the Declaration of Independence show clearly in what justly 
high esteem, Jefferson held this document, nor was he insensible to its 
effect on future generations. He was no modest shrinking violet 
and he undoubtedly planned to make this one achievement the corner 
stone of an important political career. In measuring and weighing 
men he was an adept. He could assume a virtue and with equal read¬ 
iness shed it. It is to this brilliant faculty of rapid shifting to meet 
the demands of political expediency, to which he owed a forty years 
success in American public life. 

He might have lingered in the national limelight but he loved 
Virginia. All through his absorbed life he never wavered in his 
devotion to his native state. He knew that in the rapid transition 
from the English to the new Republican system, there was great work 
to be done. He wanted no obnoxious burdens engrafted on the state 
law and he hastened to be at the very fountain head of law making. 
Declining a re-election to Congress and as early as October, 1776, we 
find him on many important committees in the House of Burgesses of 
the State of Virginia. He prepared and submitted a complete plan 
for the organization of State Courts: A bill for abolishing the system 
of land entails (meaning the right of succession of the eldest born 
male) and began his legal project for the separation of church and 
state. 

His creation and regulation of Courts established forever right of 
trial by jury in suits at law, met with ready adoption. A plan much 
similar has gradually been put in force in every State of the Union. 
The abolition of the doctrine of entail was bold and audacious. Was 
not the soul of Virginia filled with a newly kindled spirit of liberty 
to the exclusion of every other thought, Jefferson would have had 
difficulty in putting this through. It staggered the landed slave¬ 
holding aristocracy. This shattered the last link that had tied the 
new government to the royal Crown. Jefferson won because in this 
as in all other great movements of this time, he interpreted the voice¬ 
less aspirations of the masses who even under freedom and liberty, 
could not, with authority, speak for themselves. 


116 


MAKING A NATION 


Jefferson was not openly against religion. He did not believe 
in an established church. The Colonies had been cursed with all sorts 
of ecclesiastic burdens. Virginia had been under the domination of 
the Established Church of England. Younger sons, little fitted to 
save even their own souls, were sent to the Colonies as religious leaders 
under Royal appointment. The state was divided into parishes. Each 
parish had an establishment endowed with a fixed salary in tobacco and 
other allowances. To meet such expenses all inhabitants of the Parish 
were assessed whether inhabitants were members of the church or not 
and failure to pay rendered the offender subject to severe penalties. 
Heresy, under the common law w’as a capital crime. During the 
Seventeenth Century severe Virginia laws, imposed a penalty for 
parents to refuse to have their children baptized. There were laws 
against the assemblage of Quakers. No Captain of a ship could im¬ 
port into Virginia a member of this sect. An act was passed in 1705 
imposing heavy penalties on any person who would deny the divinity of 
the Catholic faith. True, the laws had been mildly administered in 
Virginia, but in the New England States there had been burning of 
humans at the stake through religious intolerence. Jefferson’s early 
attempts at church reform scored but a partial success, but in 1779, 
by persistent effort he won his final victory and from that hour Eng¬ 
lish Church dominion was destroyed in his native state. The glory of 
this achievement cannot be dimmed, because it was the first time in 
world history that a battle by state or church had ever been won with¬ 
out the shedding of vast streams of human blood. This severance of 
specific church and state was followed later by that statute of religious 
liberty, not less in importance than that of national civil liberty which 
preceded it. 

He, too, bent his powerful intellect toward preliminary steps for 
the abolition of slavery. Here, too, he displayed his uncanny cunning. 
His first move had met with the rigid and inflexible opposition of the 
Virginia slave-holding aristocracy. The indolent planters saw ruin 
and industrial chaos in the freedom of the slave. In May, 1778, 
Jefferson procured the passage of an act prohibiting under heavy 
penalties the entrance of any slave to Virginia by land or sea; that 


THOMAS JEFFERSON 


117 


such person so imported should at once be free. 

It took England until 1807 to pronounce slavery illegal. Bona¬ 
parte created laws against the institution on his release from Ella in 
1815* Spain made a treaty with England upon payment of 400,ooo£ 
to renounce the traffic after March 30th, 1820. Jefferson at that time 
went as daringly far as he could. While he put a stop to importation, 
he could not wipe out the institution of slavery itself. It became the 
chess board of politics. It w’on and lost place and power for many 
men. It caused revolution and secession and for a time threatened the 
Union, which Jefferson so earnestly strove to maintain in his great 
service to man. 

Jefferson had even proceeded so far as to incorporate in his act 
an amendment which would have conferred freedom on each negro 
born in Virginia after the passage of the act. He was in France when 
his act came up for final passage. The amendment was lost. Mourn¬ 
fully in 1821 he commented on this: “It was found that the public 
mind would not yet bear this proposition; and yet the day is not 
distant when it must bear and adopt it, or worse will follow. Nothing 
is more certainly written in the book of fate, than that these people 
are to be free.” Jefferson’s vision of future national grief arising out 
of slavery was not strong enough to effect his owm pecuniary interests. 
Thus his philosophy of freedom for slaves was belied by his own use 
and possession of them, and deprived his golden sentiment of all 
practical influence. Slowly the country rode to its future tragic conflict 
over this issue. 

While Jefferson, at the head of a legislative committee, was 
framing laws for the future government of the Commonwealth, the 
Colonies w^ere in the grip of the dark, gloomy and sometimes seem¬ 
ingly hopeless task of wresting their country from the well equipped 
forces of the Crown. 

Reverses during the fall of 1776 had put black fear into many 
hearts. The Virginia legislators lost their fortitude. The aristocratic 
delegates with an inherited vanity, resulting from ancestral reliance 
upon kingly power, seriously considered the creation of a Dictator. 
They, unlike Jefferson, had already lost faith in the ability of the 


118 


MAKING A NATION 


people to rule. It was not cowardice. It was turning backward. It 
merely meant that many high minded citizens felt that to be the 
crushing emergenc>\ They were ready to forget the Declaration of 
Independence and trust every power, legislature, executive, judicial, 
civil, military—life and death—to one man, a Dictator! 

An ancient writer states that it was supposed that Patrick Henry, 
Governor of Virginia, was the man whom the aristocracy intended 
making Supreme Ruler. But Jefferson was just enough to say that 
there was no evidence of any kind or character to prove that Henry 
knew of the plot or was implicated in it in any way. Jefferson knew’ 
of it and so did many others. 

Colonel Archibald Cary m:et Colonel S3'me, step-brother of 
Patrick Henry, in the lobby of the House of Burgesses, then convoked 
at Williamsburg, the state capital. Just as the plot for a Dictatorship 
became the subject of covert whispers, Colonel Symes w^as accosted 
with great roughness and severity by Colonel Cary, w’ho said, “I am 
told, Sir, that your brother w’ishes to be Dictator. Tell him for me, 
that the day of his appointment shall be the day of his death, for he 
shall feel my dagger in his heart before the sunset of that day.” Thus 
spoke a true son of liberty of one he dearly loved, but which love 
w’ould not have stayed his hand, had that friend betra^^ed the sacred 
cause of freedom in her dark hour. Said Jefferson of this: “In this 
State alone, did there exist so little virtue that fear w’as to be fixed 
in the hearts of the people, to become the motive of their exertions, 
and the principle of their government? The very thought alone w^as 
treason against the people; w’as treason against mankind in general, 
riveting forever the chains which bow^ dowm their sect by giving their 
oppressors a proof w’hich they w’ould have trumpeted through the 
Universe of the imbecility of Republican government in times of 
pressing danger of shielding them from harm.” 

We come now^ to certain phases in the career of Mr. Jefferson 
difficult to reconcile wuth those finer and nobler qualities wffiich 
made him so peculiarly great. He contrived to be returned from 
France to America wffiile Washington was selecting his cabinet. 
He knew^ the conditions thorough!}^, for he w^as a discerning student of 


THOMAS JEFFERSON 


119 


affairs and had been in constant touch with national affairs through 
copious correspondence with America friends. Though assuming in¬ 
difference, he was delighted to become Secretary of State, if for no 
other purpose than that of serving France. In spite of his knowledge 
of the fact, that at the close of the Revolutionary War, Washington 
had indigantly spurned a proposal to be made King,' he began to 
harbor the suspicion that the pomp and ceremony attached to national 
official life, was a cloak to design, a deep purpose of transforming the 
new republic into a sharply defined monarchy or an aristocracy or 
scarcely less arbitrary republic. He expected to find in Washington a 
president easily moulded to his will. It angered him to see Hamilton 
first in the affection and esteem of the Nation’s Chief. 

Jefferson was jealous for the rights of Virginia. Hamilton’s every 
thought was for the establishment of a federal union, strong enough 
to cope not only with foreign nations, but with every domestic diffi¬ 
culty. There was inborn conflict between these two. By the very 
honesty of their inherent convictions, they could not agree on any great 
issue—differing fundamentally as they did on matters of Constitu¬ 
tional Construction. 

Hamilton was impetuous, but a hard fighter and in the open arena 
—Jefferson was cool, deliberate, gifted with rare patience, could delve 
far into the future and weigh the effect of each policy, was endowed 
with masterly cunning and could suffer long without open retaliation. 
Hamilton cared much for immediate effect. He clearly conceived— 
openly planned and pushed on to immediate victory, trusting from 
that vantage ground to force success for the next step to be inaugurated 
for the public good. Jefferson was a moral and effectual leader of 
masses, Hamilton a matchless leader of leaders. Jefferson’s whole 
public life was the record of complaisant inconsistencies. Many de¬ 
partures from his original policy were wise and of great service to his 
country. Hamilton was always obstinately consistent and by that 
unbending, unyielding, honesty of purpose, dogged determination he 
put over highly constructive policies and always over the opposition 
of Jefferson. Hamilton thought that Jefferson was a demagogue and 
Jefferson claimed that Hamilton was a monarchist. 


120 


MAKING A NATION 


From Jefferson’s own letters and records, it is made clear that he 
entertained an unfounded fear that Washington was but a tool in the 
hands of Hamilton; that the latter deemed the Constitution a failure; 
that he intended to subvert it and establish a monarchy as a sub¬ 
stitution for the republic. He even hinted these things to the President. 
He helped one of his political appointees, Fresnau by name, to estab¬ 
lish and conduct a newspaper, and in the columns of this “yellow 
journal” he permitted his puppet to print and circulate vile official 
and personal charges against the man who appointed him Secretary of 
State, and against his own colleagues in the Cabinet. 

The President was naturally angry over these repeated and un¬ 
warranted charges, but Jefferson was pitiless. Already he was plan¬ 
ning a new party to be headed by himself and coldly and mercilessly 
must he climb even if the ascent must be over the shattered fame of 
other servants of the people. What is the evidence on this point? Is 
the witness an enemy? No, the witness is one we may not even cross 
examine for his name is Thomas Jefferson. In records he left behind, 
Jefferson furnishes the evidence. 

This evidence is found in Volume IX, page 145 of the original 
works of Thomas Jefferson published by joint consent of United 
States and England relating a talk had between George Washington 
and Thomas Jefferson. May 23, 1793. The two had been discussing 
the slanders and Washington had called Jefferson’s attention to his 
fear that anarchy might be introduced by these unchecked villifications 
and false charges. I now quote: “He was evidently sore and warm 
and I took his intention to be that I should interpose in some way 
with Fresnau, perhaps withdraw his appointment of translation clerk 
to my office. But I will not do it. His paper has saved our Constitution 
which was galloping fast into monarchy and has been checked by no 
one means so powerfully as by that paper. It is well and universally 
known that it has been that paper which has checked the career of 
the Monocrats; and the President not sensible of the designs of the 
party, has not with his usual good sense looked on the efforts and 
effects of this free press and seen that, though some bad things have 
passed through it to the public, yet the good have predominance 
immensely.” 


THOMAS JEFFERSON 


121 


Air. Jefferson had another of these hack writers on his staff of 
propaganda, one Callender, an ex-policitian Scotchman. His assaults 
were bold and bitter and he could say those things not unpleasing to 
higher ups against their political foes. He dug up and printed private 
scandals against Hamilton as well as against Washington. Jefferson, 
himself, claims that he grew rather disgusted with so impious a pen, 
but he was so tender hearted that he continued to supply him with 
money and being human, like the rest of us, he doubtless enjoyed the 
squirming of his foes as they writhed under the scorpion’s lash. 

Finally such a tribe of these journalistic garbage collectors arose 
and they became so bold in their attacks, not only on people, but in 
their treasonable mouthings against the Constitution, that the dominant 
party passed a sedition act and among the first to fall under its 
provisions and suffer arrest was friend Callender, whom thereby the 
Federalists made the mistake of martyrizing and making of him and 
his arrest a national issue. ^Adams was then out and Jefferson came 
into power and soon the sedition act was repealed and Callender 
was pardoned by Jefferson and his fine remitted. Upon his release, 
Callender tried to have Jefferson remove the Richmond, Virginia, 
Postmaster and give him the appointment. Jefferson refused. Callen¬ 
der then basely turned upon Air. Jefferson and attaching himself to an 
opposition paper published at Richmond, Virginia, The Recorder, he 
day by day gave to Jefferson all the filth and abuse which under Air. 
Jefferson’s patronage he had polluted the earth before, against the 
political opponents of the great man. He accused Jefferson with 
having been his friend and financial supporter and his confederate in 
the libels against Washington, but his main topic was intimate and 
loathsome details of Jefferson’s private life and personal conduct. His 
revelations were revolting. Shameful as it appears. Federalist journals 
drew from this foul source until these infamous tales reached every 
home and fireside in America. The object of Callendar’s wrath never 
noticed these mouthings in any way. Between the exaggerated charges 
of Callender and the truth there is doubtless as enormous gap. Most 
of the public men of that time were loose in personal conduct and 
Thomas Jefferson was no saint. He was just about as good and not 


122 


MAKING A NATION 


a bit worse than Washington, Hamilton, Adams, Randolph or any of 
the men who played the star parts in the fateful drama of the times. 

In his earlier days, Jefferson went very far to prove his devotion 
to the people. Good manners, proper apparel, the refinements of life 
were made to appear evidences of royal tendencies, rude behavior, 
sloven clothing, coarse living, were all marks of loyalty according 
to Republican political opinion. A courtly bow was royal, a rude nod 
Republican, lace and knee pants, royal; long breeches. Republican; 
a coach and six, royal; plain horseback, republican; a courtly kiss of 
my lady’s hand, treason to the cause, a smack on the lips just the 
proper republican way of courting a woman’s favor. It was held that 
a man should almost be hung for using a kerchief while he was ac¬ 
counted a real patriot who blew his nose right out in the open air. 
I am sure if he had but dared, Jefferson would have had some laws 
passed on the subject forbidding all kinds of ceremony. When the 
British ambassador presented his credentials to President Thomas 
Jefferson, he received him in an entirely Informal manner, with studied 
rudeness. He wore a sloven jacket, old slippers, with trousers half 
turned up, his underwear showing and absolutely without ceremony 
and even scant courtesy. This was a great shock to the Englishman 
who was much offended. But Jefferson intended to show for that 
he didn’t give a rap for kings and this was his way of expressing his 
official Republican-Democratic contempt. 

He held many offices, that of special envoy to France, Secretary of 
State under Washington, vice president under Washington and Presi¬ 
dent. Had it not been for Alexander Hamilton whom Jefferson 
hated and whom Jefferson always regarded unjustly, it is likely that 
Aaron Burr and not Jefferson would have been third President of 
these United States. Washington did not fully trust Jefferson. 
Alexander Hamilton threw his influence to Jefferson rather than 
Burr because, though he thought Jefferson often wrong, he felt that 
he was honest and patriotic and solely for the good of the country he 
helped his political enemy rather than help to office a man whom 
he thought dangerous to the nation. 

Few men could have lived in France, during the expiring hours 


THOMAS JEFFERSON 


123 


of monarchy, could have consorted and counseled as Jefferson did with 
leaders of the liberal revolutionary movement and remain unaffected 
by the torrent of protest against the unspeakable conditions in that 
country and not have become filled with an unalloyed passion for 
liberty. This French experience furnished the key to Jefferson’s 
hatred of meaningless pomp and surface ceremony. The strain of 
intensely liberal thought in him on all questions of government, 
social order, politics or religion was intensified by this earlier 
experience of his impressionable mind in France. Our more than 
just though far-seeing Peace Treaty with England, offended Jefferson. 
When Washington or Hamilton failed to be rushed into extremes 
against England or into some sentimental alliance with France at 
the price of certain conflict with England, that, too, incurred Jef¬ 
ferson’s hostility. There was still lurking in the mind of the Secretary 
a dread that under all this there loomed the dark and insidious shadow 
of a King and throne. His private writings sincerely breathed this 
fear which he honestly and sincerely entertained. 

In April, 1793, Genet, the accredited Minister of France, landed 
in America. He did not, in accordance with diplomatic custom at 
once present his credentials to the President. He purposely landed 
at Charleston, South Carolina, fitted out and manned privateers in 
our neutral port and without delay, instructed and authorized 
them to prey on the Commerce of Great Britain. It is not unrea¬ 
sonable to assume that Mr. Jefferson knew the law. He knew 
that in such summary action the French diplomat had no precedent 
either in the law of nations or in natural justice, and that in so doing 
Genet rudely and dangerously violated the sanctity of diplomatic 
privilege. Genet, after doing all the damage he could, made a sort 
of triumphal procession through the land. Through the national 
gratitude of our people for the glorious service rendered by France in 
the War of the Revolution, and through some official connivance, not 
however that of Washington or Hamilton, he was acclaimed on all 
sides and when he finally arrived at the capital to present his pass¬ 
ports and credentials he had come to believe, that our President was a 
sort of well dressed dummy, playing at ruling over a very easily 


124 


MAKING A NATION 


duped and ill regulated mob and that the situation was almost over 
ripe for bending the United States of America to the cause and will 
of France. In this he was covertly aided by Jefferson whose private 
letters to Genet were at variance with his official communications. 
Matters went so far that under an order from Genet a French vessel 
seized a British craft openly in American waters. 

Genet had the effrontery and audacity to justify such act as allow¬ 
able under the law of nations. Washington, ever cool and repressive, 
felt the rank injustice of such act but he asked for written opinions 
from the Cabinet. Jefferson verbosely and in labored fashion echoed 
the arguments of Genet. Hamilton clearly set forth the true law and 
this, together with a continuous performance in assinine acts on the 
part of Genet, finally outraged the entire body of the American people. 
He went so far as to shake even the faith of Jefferson, who leaned to 
his side, so that when Genet declared he would appeal from the 
decision of Washington to the people, the Secretary of State ad¬ 
mitted that the Frenchman had gone too far and that Genet’s recall 
was an absolute necessity. Jefferson wrote to Robert Morris at 
Paris, “If our citizens have not already been shedding each other’s 
blood, it is not owing to the moderation of Mr. Genet.” He might 
have also added that our own Secretary of State by cooperating more 
honorably with the administration could have taken us more quickly 
out of jeopardy. 

Doubtless it was a great error on the part of Congress, influenced 
by Hamilton, to enact and put into force the Alien and Sedition Laws. 
No body of people is quite so jealous of authority, restraint, any in¬ 
crease of official power as those who have but recently overthrown 
tyranny. He is a poor politician who does not float with the tide 
and he, by common standards is a good one, who can interpret popular 
will and seemingly be just a few paces ahead of it. The Jacobin 
Clubs modelled after those which were stirring Paris to fever heat, 
in every excess of the unbridled licentiousness of the grossly un¬ 
hindered press, threw the whole country into a very dangerous con¬ 
dition. To Hamilton’s clear and brave mind, it looked as though, if 
unchecked maddened popular passions might get entirely beyond con- 


THOMAS JEFFERSON 


125 


trol, even before the Constitution had undergone a fair trial. The 
Alien and Sedition laws were hastily passed and while in the then 
temper of the times they were injudicious, they did serve the purpose 
and these together with the excesses of Genet accomplished the great 
task of proving to the country that Washington and Hamilton were 
right in policy. But while the obnoxious law was on the statute 
books it gave Thomas Jefferson and the republicans a great campaign 
rallying cry against the absolute and unchecked sway of the central 
government. ‘ 

Jefferson also took the embarrassing situation of the admin¬ 
istration of which he was a part, as a means of stirring up an 
attack which shook the new Constitution to its very center. Although 
his name did not appear he was the composer of the Kentucky res¬ 
olutions. These set forth the inferiority of the national government, 
and stoutly maintained the supreme authority of the state. In this 
treasonable document, Kentucky threatened to use her alleged right 
of zvithdrawal from the Union if Congress failed to repeal the Alien 
and Sedition Laws. These were followed by similarly inspired reso¬ 
lutions from Virginia proposed by Mr. Madison. Mr. Jefferson did 
not openly father this movement but his was the mind behind the 
revolt; and he was an official, who in taking office, had sworn to 
support the Constitution of the United States. At the very time he 
was stirring states against the Central government, he was presiding 
over the deliberations of the United States Senate. Later in our 
history J. C. Calhoun was vice president while he was planning the 
destruction of the government, through the secession of the Southern 
States. 

It can be claimed without fear of contradiction that the Kentucky 
resolutions inspired the great leaders of the South to uphold the 
continuance of slavery. It fortified John C. Calhoun in demanding the 
right to secede from the Union, when he knew that the South could 
not mould the nation to a favorable attitude toward the institution 
of slavery. The Kentucky Resolutions, and the education of a race 
of youthful southerners at the University of Virginia under the Jef¬ 
ferson theory of Constitutional construction were directly responsible 


126 


MAKING A NATION 


for the Civil War. For years all worth-while Southern families 
matriculated their sons at this institution of learning. Its professors 
were among the most eminent of the world. But its law and politics 
were Jeffersonian and its thousands of well-bred influential students 
were graduated forth into Southern leadership in society and politics. 
All were tainted with the doctrine of Jeffersonian states rights. When 
the crisis came they stood for secession with God-like faith in the 
righteousness of the Cause. They were loyal as the arch planner 
knew they would be, for in that cause they unreservedly placed their 
fortunes, sacred honor and lives. 

Was Mr. Jefferson consistent in his doctrine as to the limited 
powers of the Union under the Constitution? 

Our trade was being greatly harassed by the possession of New 
Orleans by the French. Our safety was endangered by a refusal to 
us of the right to navigate the Mississippi River. Jefferson estimated 
that three-eights of our products passed through the port of New 
Orleans. It was not the original intent of President Jefferson to 
purchase the territory of Louisiana. He and his advisers spent much 
effort in discussion and sought various Constitutional and legal tech¬ 
nicalities by which they might acquire the right to navigate the great 
river and port and shipping rights at New Orleans. 

God, not man’s political cunning, solved the issue. There came 
a crisis in the affairs of Bonaparte. He needed money. Before that 
need his stern attitude toward the Republicans melted. He, himself, 
proposed the sale of the whole province of Louisiana for fifteen million 
dollars, a price in those times collossal, seemingly impossible. The 
original proposition was made to James Monroe, later President of 
the United States. A purchase of such magnitude had exceded all 
instructions. The sale to the United States was concluded and we 
secured a deed to the territory in December, 1803. 

Up to this time Mr. Jefferson had bitterly fought internal 
improvements as utterly lacking in constitutional authority and a direct 
violation of the rights of individual states. If his construction of the 
limit to constitutional authority was right, what legal or constitutional 
justice was there for the purchase of foreign territory? How was 


THOMAS JEFFERSON 


127 


it to be grafted into the sisterhood of states? What became of his 
theory of the Supreme Right of States? How, under an act of this 
kind could there be a denial of the masterful and supreme, the 
dominating and all mighty power of the Federal Government under 
that same constitution which by the Kentucky and kindred state 
resolutions, he had sought to weaken and mayhap destroy. He was 
as right in the purchase of Louisiana as he was wrong in theory. His 
act was the m.ost important act in our history up to that time. By 
that purchase we secured half a^ continent. For it we gave a small 
amount of gold. It did not entail the cost of a single sacred drop of 
blood of an American citizen. 

This and all other Jeffersonian conflicts arose out of his con¬ 
stancy to the idea of executing the popular will be that right or 
wrong. The government was the people. If the people wanted the 
doing of an unconstitutional act, that said act was the thing to do. 
He could as easily speak disrespectfully of the constitution and oppose 
it as to speak lovingly of it and stretch it. Politicians spend years upon 
a theory. God creates conditions at war with all pre-conceived 
notions. The crisis is immediate—imminent. If the man remains 
a mere politician he does not yield one inch. If love of country and 
wise breadth of experience have made him a statesman, a patriot, he 
will abandon his theory and do the act though it violates a hundred 
technical constitutional constructions. Best of all, he did not quibble, 
he confessed that necessity had compelled him to do what he had 
previously held unlawful and he did it. 

If the new government ought to have maintained any one pro¬ 
vision of the constitution, sacred above all others, it was concerning 
the utter and complete independence of courts of justice. Jefferson 
himself clearly recognized this vital need when he drafted the laws of 
Virginia. Had there not been primal and fundamental strength in 
our Hamiltonian constitution it could not have survived the attack on 
the Judiciary, which directed by Jefferson, occurred during his first 
Presidential term. Some of the judges under fire well deserved dis¬ 
cipline or removal, but the impeachments carried on were of such 
pronounced political aspect as to create the impression of a misuse of the 
constitution for partisan political purposes only. 


128 


MAKING A NATION 


In this affair Jefferson again revealed his political shrewdness 
and cunning. In one instance where the judge was a worthless 
fellow, morally and mentally, he took the initiative. In other cases 
where cause for legal removal were lacking and the incumbent’s real 
offense was pernicious partisan activity, he hid behind the skirts of 
others. When he caused John Randolph to start impeachment pro¬ 
ceedings against Mr. Justice Chase of the Supreme Court of the 
United States, he started something that tore the country wide open. 

Chase was a Federalist partisan. In his charge to the grand jury 
at Baltimore he had soundly lashed the Republicans for their repeal 
of the Judiciary act. This was his offense. He was an able judge, his 
private conduct above reproach. As a judge he had been absolutely in¬ 
corruptible. But he had a bitter and biting tongue which could not 
be frightened into service to the party in office. He must be con¬ 
victed, dismissed, dishonored. 

The contest over Mr. Justice Chase was long and bitterly con¬ 
tested. The administration brought all its power to the side of 
prosecutor Randolph. President Jefferson used every expedient known 
to desperation. The most merciless use of the party whip failed to 
secure the two-thirds vote of the Senate. The impeachment failed. 
Jefferson sustained the biggest defeat of his career, though publicly, 
he was not blamed. That, he had planted on Randolph, whose public 
career it practically ruined. But it taught Jefferson a lesson. It was 
not to interfere with the Bench—that same Judiciary which in later 
years through its interpretation of the constitution contributed so 
highly to the salvation of the Union. 

Jefferson’s eight 5^ears as President marked much good and little 
evil for his country. His party was supreme, and he as its dictator 
was a sort of benevolent despot. He did not remove all Federalists 
from office, nor appoint all Republicans. Though toward the latter 
part of his second term he did play practical politics more extensively 
than he did at first. He never openly pressed his leadership. He did 
not wish to seem to rule. Washington and Hamilton did. They 
commanded loudly. He whispered softly. A cunning hint dropped 
indifferently, giving to the hearer the opportunity to claim the idea as 


THOMAS JEFFERSON 


129 


his own. He left the Presidency enjoying the devoted loyalty of the 
party he had created and pretty generally esteemed by the country. 
He was absolutely incorruptible and left public life a much poorer 
man then he was forty years before. During all his public service, 
he accepted no private employment, for he was in the purest way a 
servant of the people. 

Finishing his second term and following the precedent of Wash¬ 
ington, he would not consider the desire of his party that he serve a 
third term. This was an awful temptation to a man of Jefferson’s 
temperament, but he refused for his country’s good. 

Always possessing a romantic attachment to Monticello he re¬ 
turned there to spend his remaining years, venerated by the Nation as a 
sage; reputed by the world as one of the foremost men of his time. 
His declining years were choked with tremendous griefs. Two score 
years in public work had wrought havoc in his private fortunes. His 
plantations had suffered great neglect. His slaves had grown lazy 
and inefficient. In early life he had advocated the abolition of slavery. 
Self interest of slave owners had defeated his plans. But he, a world 
liberator “who set forth in blazing letters the natural equality of 
men, kept his slaves and every day they toiled and he accepted the 
fruits of that toil, nor did he, like Washington, by his will give his 
black men freedom. He allowed them to be sold into further slavery 
to pay his debts. Toward the end he sold his library to the Con¬ 
gress of the United States and petitioned the Legislature of Virginia 
to give him the special privilege of disposing of his estate through 
a lottery. So that he who at the beginning, recognized the equality 
of all men, before the law, begged for himself a special privilege under 
the law. 

I do not censure him. Any man who had the singular privilege 
of such extensive service to his nation, should have been lifted for all 
time beyond the possibility of financial care. 

Our first three presidents were vilely treated. Washington was 
suspected and accused of dishonesty. Adams was hated and reviled 
and then forgotten and Jefferson left at the close of his life almost 
a prisoner for debt. With our waste in other directions, we might 


130 


MAKING A NATION 


pause sufficiently to draft a law providing for the support of our 
ex-presidents so that they may not, like Grant, become the dupe of 
speculative wizards, dragging our honored ex-officials into shame or 
humiliation. 

Jefferson was not idle in the score of years which passed between 
his retirement as President and his death at Monticello. As the country 
expanded he saw with grave apprehension what he termed the un¬ 
constitutional diversion of public moneys for internal improvements. 
He lectured his countrymen about it, mourned over it and predicted 
great calamity to arise therefrom. Though he had used the Con¬ 
stitution to suit his own ends when entrusted with power, he feared 
a similar use of it when administered by another. He drew up an 
inconsistent protest for the Legislature of Virginia, setting forth the 
utter lack of power on the part of Congress to do these things and 
Congress upon the theory of the country’s welfare was proceeding 
merrily to do all that was necessary in the premises to make us great, 
prosperous and happy. 

I can find no evidence that he was a confessed Christian. Some 
of his important utterances revealed a belief in a supreme being. Every 
sentence found concerning Jesus showed an admiration of and faith in 
him such as he held for Socrates or Epictetus. His early experience 
in France would have had a tendency to make him a non believer and 
his dissemination of the works of Thomas Paine, the Atheist of that 
day, would show at least that he was not a slave to any sectarian 
view of religion. 

Toward his declining years he showed great anxiety, lest posterity 
be denied the truth about him. Thus he spent much time on his letters, 
papers and notes. His last letters were neither profoundly hopeful or 
darkly despairing. They did not complain of his career for that had 
been fuller than given to the lot of commoner men. Posterity cannot 
pass him without yielding reverence. He had few faults, many 
virtues. He served his nation and the universe, with rare fidelity to 
his ideals, all of which were inspired by a real love for the people. 


John Adams 


J OHN ADAMS, second President of the United States, came of 
sturdy New England stock, whose ancestors had acquired land 
by grant from the British Crown. They had come to the new 
world in search of religious liberty and in the hope of carving out a 
fortune. Their early struggles were with the cunning savage and 
the primeval timbers. They were narrow and God fearing Puritans 
but they were honest and industrious, believed in the sacredness of 
the home; they knew hunger and privation and they won by rude 
hard knocks, the comparative ease which the family enjoyed when 
John Adams first saw the light of day. The fate of this distinguished 
family did not differ essentially from that of all other New Englanders 
and the development of the Adams family practically reveals the rise 
and growth of that entire section of the country. 

The estate of the father of John Adams amounted to not over 
$6,000 but this was comparative affluence in those days. As was the 
custom, so wealthy a citizen gave to the eldest born, which was 
John, an education which was rounded out by attendance at Harvard 
University from which institution he graduated in 1755. He was 
religious by habit, pure in character, and Industrious. He was rather 
pessimistic in disposition and early in life was given to scolding, which 
he visited not only on others, but upon himself. He had a strong 
tendency to imagine that his neighbors had resolved that he should 
not get on in the world. But this trend in his own nature he fought 
bitterly and as he grew older he largely overcame this suspicious 
tendency. He entertained no lofty ambitions, had no ambition for 
a brilliant future. He seemed to be content to win moderate success. 
He was somewhat vain, but did not feel that he had great ability nor 
did his hope extend beyond that of being successful in his immediate 
neighborhood. 

A young man thus excellently educated was expected to adopt a 
profession and with him it was either theology or the law. He was 
rather inclined to enter the ministry. The clergy wielded great in- 


132 


MAKING A NATION 


fluence and being rather moral and religious by nature and habits of 
thought, he favored this calling. Adams was much too strong a figure, 
however, to favor the rather circumscribed sphere of the ministry. His 
good sense finally saved him from making so great a blunder as 
entering the ministry. In fact it w’as rather early in his manhood 
that he found himself at war with mere dogmatic theology. Thus it 
was that in 1756 he entered into a contract with a Mr. Putnam for 
entering upon his legal studies. In his diary at that time he alluded 
to his rather serious inclination for the ministry but having finally 
concluded that the legal profession was not at war with the obliga¬ 
tions of morality and religion, setting down his earnest determination 
to so conduct his profession as not to give offense to the clergy “by 
Imprudent warmth.” This decision was reached not without serious 
opposition from interested relatives who all voiced objections. These 
he overcame upon the theory that he did not intend to be guided by 
their prejudices in a matter of such supreme importance to his future. 

With characteristic energy, young Adams delved into the pon¬ 
derous books of the law. He applied himself so diligently that by 
1858 he was ready to apply for admission and was introduced to the 
Court by Jeremiam Gridley, leader of the bar, who advised him to 
make study, and not gain, his guiding motive. He further suggested 
a not too early marriage. Adams gravely shook hands with his 
brother members of the bar and as was the custom, invited them all 
to Stone’s Tavern to drink punch and talk things over. He did 
not have to wait long for clients. New Englanders were a litigous 
race and though fees were small, the j^outhful lawyer soon attracted 
a host of clients and did quite well. He had learning and industry. 
He had a stubborn combativeness that made him hard to beat in a 
law suit and though he lacked tact, he was more than ordinarily 
successful. He said himself that no lawyer ever had so many cases 
and so little profit as he did for 17 years. He did not follow 
Gridley’s advice about a wife, for in 1864 he married Abigail Smith, 
who, being the daughter of an influential clergyman and belonging 
to a very numerous family, by no means brought him embarrassment, 
but on the contrary extended his power in the community and 
brought added recognition to his growing fame as a lawyer. 


JOHN ADAMS 


133 


The very breeding and training of these New Englanders, their 
deep experience with hard and rude conditions, their religious con¬ 
victions, developing combat and flashes of independent thought, made 
this section ripe for the dissemination of the principles of freedom and 
human liberty. These people were men and women of hardy bodies, 
strong minds, fearless in courage and ready to enter into combat 
on the slightest pretext. Neither King George nor parliament had 
the slightest conception of the nature and habits of thought of these 
colonists, upon whom they sought to impose tyranny and oppression. 
Force was a moral and political blunder and dearly Great Britian 
paid for its folly. 

Fifteen years before the Declaration of Independence had been 
adopted, the fiery Otis had made a speech at Boston against unjust 
taxation and John Adams had not only heard it, but had taken notes. 
The speech made a powerful impression upon him. He felt that then 
and there he had witnessed the birth of American independence. From 
that hour, John Adam never wavered in his devotion to the cause. 
The seed then sown by Otis fell on fertile soil. Though the excitement 
subsided and there was apparent tranquillity upon the surface, an 
undercurrent of popular resistence was being nurtured. Adams 
steadily practiced his profession and grew in the esteem and good will 
of his neighbors and even held minor offices. 

Thus we find him, upon the passage of the Stamp Act, March, 
1765, a prosperous professional man, soundly patriotic, but with no 
thought of occupying any great place upon the stage of national 
action. But upon the passage of this obnoxious act, he assumed the 
leadership of the people of the town of Baintree where he lived and 
was the author of protesting resolutions which were immediately 
adopted by forty other towns. This brought fame to Adams beyond 
his town and he was greatly surprised to be informed that he, with 
Gridley and Otis, had been appointed a committee of Boston to draw 
up and present a protesting memorial to the Governor and Council. 
He doubted his capacity and he feared the effect of such a task on 
his professional gains, but he overcame all objections and threw him¬ 
self into the labors of the committee, regardless of personal con¬ 
sequences. 


134 


MAKING A NATION 


Great Britain assumed that a government without the power 
of taxation is an Impossible absurdity. The colonies replied that 
taxation cannot be exercised without representation. But Adams 
went further. He stood upon the vital fundamental proposition that, 
“If there could be no government without taxation and no taxation 
without representation and there was no hope that representation 
would be conceded, there could be but one thing, ‘Independence.’ ” 
He never wavered In his support of that theory and he faced with 
courage and bravery the momentous hazards Involved In such decision. 
He contested cases under the Stamp act, opposing payment in every 
instance. This brought him fame and clients so that In 1768 he re¬ 
moved with his family to Boston where he entered upon a still 
larger field of professional and political activity. Here the English 
officials, recognizing his growing power and influence sought to 
entangle him by the proffer of the great and lucrative office of ad¬ 
vocate general of the Admiralty Court. He was flattered and cajoled 
and promised that he would In no wise be asked to modify his well 
known political opinions, but the trap was obvious and John Adams 
utterly refused to thus sign away his liberty of action. 

In utter ignorance of the temper of the people, the King forced 
two regiments of soldiers upon the people of Boston. These regulars 
took possession of the town house and other public buildings and by 
their cannon commanded the state and court house. Daily they 
paraded through Boston town with muskets charged, bayonets fixed, 
drums beating, fifes playing and with all the “pomp and circum¬ 
stance of war.” It was impossible with this show of armed force to 
give a peaceable complexion to this miliary occupation. A collision 
was inevitable and on March 5, 1770, British soldiers, it must be 
admitted, how^ever, under strong provocation, killed five citizens, and 
wounded many others. The whole regiment turned out and before it 
raged a mob of angered citizens. A hopelessly bloody conflict was 
avoided by the promise of Governor Hutchinson, that the offending 
soldiers would be arrested and put on trial, charged with murder. 
Doubtless It was the cunning of the English governor that suggested 
the employment of Adams to defend the accused. But Adams had 


JOHN ADAMS 


135 


sworn when he entered the profession of law that he would refuse 
no man counsel and the more desperate the cause, the more necessary 
that accused should have the benefit of legal counsel, so he accepted 
the unwelcome job without hesitation. It required no great amount 
of nerve to take a cause dear to popular heart, but it did require 
moral and physical courage of the highest order to stand between the 
accused and the raging mob, bent on quick vengeance. Personally, the 
duty to Adams was odious and it brought upon him the fierce de¬ 
nunciation of the thoughtless, but all this was to no purpose. Adams 
saw wherein lay his highest professional duty and he preceded to per¬ 
form it with every ounce of ability in his nature. In after years, 
Adams’ enemies used this incident, which should have reflected highest 
credit upon him, to prove that he was subservient to British interests. 
The result of this remarkable trial was that Captain Preston was 
acquitted and most of the soldiers. Two were, however, convicted 
of manslaughter and punished. Sober popular judgment finally 
veered in the right direction concerning this incident and the part 
played therein by John Adams and the people by an overwhelming 
vote elected him representative of the town of Boston in the General 
Court. He served but a short time and on account of poor health 
went back to Baintree, but he could not escape the obligation of service 
and so in 1774 he was named as one of the five representatives of 
Massachusettes to the first Congress of North America. He really 
doubted his power to serve, through lack of experience. He need not 
have feared, for he had enjoyed a remarkable training and the New 
England town m.eeting where public affairs had always had deep 
and wide discussion, had developed in him the very powers necessary 
to give him commanding influence in the larger deliberative body. 

It is certain that John Adams saw clearly that war must come 
and with it annihilation or independence. He was far ahead of his 
fellow members in vision of the larger things. He alone wanted 
vigorous action. His associates for the most part, hesitated to take the 
great step, were willing to temporize and put off the inevitable. 
He chafed with impatience and often was filled with melancholy. 
The people had invested this Congress with no specific authority. Its 


136 


MAKING A NATION 


only function was to counsel with wisdom and moderation. The 
Congress did nothing but recommend a non-importation and non¬ 
exportation league of all the provinces. It was poor doctrine, but 
we can scarcely judge without a thorough knowledge of the con¬ 
ditions of the hour. 

Another matter which obstructed action on the part of the dele¬ 
gates was the jealousy of the other colonies against Massachusetts, 
which province seemed to predominate in influence. The real value 
of this initial Congress was the creation of a spirit of unity and a 
realization of the fact that the thirteen colonial units could be organ¬ 
ized and harmonized into a cohesive union under the pressure of 
necessity and common safety. The big overmastering thought which 
the Congress fostered and developed was “That England Sought to 
Exercise an Intolerable Tyranny and That Resistance was a Patriotic 
Obligation and Duty.” 

In spite of a profound conviction of the necessity for strong and 
immediate action, John Adams curbed his impetuous desire, realizing 
that many splendid, brave and courageous men, were not ready to 
take so fatal a step. No official record has ever revealed the great 
part which this New England citizen played in gradually leading his 
colleagues to the point of open resistance, but his private letters to 
his wife showed clearly his state of mind, his diplomacy, his caution, 
his keen judgment of men, the cunning way in which he harmonized 
conflicting opinions and his profound insight concerning the coming 
revolution which he foresaw with remarkable clearness and precision. 
“That our people,” said he, “should drill and lay in military stores, 
but let them avoid war if possible. I hope the ladies every day are 
diminishing their ornaments and the gentlemen, too. Frugality, 
economy, parsimony must be our refuge. Let us eat potatoes and drink 
water. Let us wear canvas and undressed skins, rather than submit 
to the unrighteous and ignominious domination that is prepared for 
us.” This was the advice of Adams, but he was surrounded by a 
Congress of men, almost every one of whom, day by day feasted, 
gorged them*selves with rich food and spent hours in drinking vast 
quantities of sparkling wine. It was finally decided to adopt the 


JOHN ADAMS 


137 


policy of commercial, industrial and financial non-intercourse with 
the mother land. This was not popular. It brought about business 
stagnation and distress in all circles, for it must be stated that 
patriotism meets its supreme test when it delivers too serious a blow 
to material prosperity. The Tories w^ere delighted and predicted a 
speedy collapse to colonial pride and protest. 

From this hour, John Adams ceased to be a private citizen and 
belonged wholly to the service of his country. On his way to Phila¬ 
delphia, where Congress was to meet again. May, 1775, he saw with 
delight many signs of a fully awakened America. When he arrived 
at the Quaker City, his heart bounded with delight when he saw 
Colonel Geo. Washington appearing on the public streets in a con¬ 
tinental uniform. On every hand were evidences of military prepara¬ 
tion. Independence, however, was still held as doubtful and men 
spoke of it in whispering tones, with awe and overwhelming fear. 
Many still hoped for peace. Many favored a still greater exercise 
of patience and moderation. This class looked on John Adams as the 
one American they had to fear; as the one leader who was likely to 
plunge the country into irretrievable disaster. On the other hand, 
however, he w’as singled out as the absolute leader of those whose 
intent and purpose was to bring about complete separation from every 
tie that bound the colonies to Great Britain. In the opinion of John 
Adams, it was necessary that the colonial powers should seize all 
crown officials and hold them prisoners under civil but humane treat¬ 
ment as hostages for the security of those American patriots who 
might be charged with treason and whose punishment might be 
attempted by King George the Third of England. He further held 
that the colonies should organize independent state governments and 
he further maintained “that we ought to declare the colonies free, 
sovereign and independent states and then inform Great Britain 
that Am.erica was willing to negotiate for the redress of all grievances 
and a restoration of harmony between the two countries upon the 
basis of a permanent relationship between independent and sovereign 
nations.” He insisted upon the organization and equipment of a 
continental army and he further made it quite clear that England 


138 


MAKING A NATION 


should be notified that if this country found it necessary, it would 
enter in upon and contract such foreign alliances as would help our 
cause, provided the mother country refused reasonable terms and 
conditions. 

Most of the colonies were in a chaotic state. There was prac¬ 
tically no government at all. This was especially true of Massa¬ 
chusetts and New York. The latter state was being rapidly over¬ 
run by British troops and it became a matter of pressing and immediate 
necessity to put that colony in a state of defense. Thus Congress 
was face to face with the need of imperative, positive, speedy action. 
Many shunned open resistance. Others would have preferred a shift¬ 
ing postponement of the issue. Massachusetts brought about a climax 
by asking Congress to give explicit advice as to what action should 
be taken. A decision could not be evaded. Congress must now either 
function or admit that it was a perfectly useless body. After endless 
debate, June 9, 1775, Congress suggested that Massachusetts hold 
an election by which representatives should be chosen and that these 
representatives should form and put into operation a government of 
its own and that such government should function in an entirely 
independent manner. 

The next move made by John Adams was of vital importance. 
Throughout many places in the land, we had soldiers. They were 
engaged in military operations, yet we had no army, no military au¬ 
thority and no commander. Suddenly and of his own motion, he 
demanded that Congress declare that such soldiers as we had, be 
organized and officially recognized as the army of Congress. He 
suggested and brought about the nomination of George Washington 
of Virginia as its Commander in Chief. To this, there was open and 
much ill-concealed opposition. This Southerner was not well known 
in New England and it must be confessed that others were ambitious 
for this dangerous, but patriotic opportunity. The move was audacious, 
but one by one its opponents were silenced and John Adams peculiarly 
alone, and unaided, brought about three tremendously important 
things, namely, the establishment of a state government for Massa¬ 
chusetts, official recognition of a revolutionary army and the selection 


JOHN ADAMS 


139 


of George Washington as Commander-in-Chief, but he had achieved 
something even bigger than this. He had brought about the positive 
union of all thirteen colonies as co-partners in rebellion against the 
power and authority of the British crown. The fateful step had 
been taken. England would now never recede. The colonies dared 
not, because George III claimed that America was filled with traitors, 
who must be whipped into submission and his answer to the cry of 
independence was the rattle of musketry and the roar of the cannon. 

John Adams proposed a navy and demanded the appointment of 
ambassadors to the court of France. Here again he met with violent 
opposition. He, however, secured the assistance of Patrick Henry, 
member of Congress from Virginia, Vv^ho made the peculiar sugges¬ 
tion that he favored foreign alliances even if the same had to be 
secured by grants of territory. 

Mr. Adams had a brief rest which he used to visit Massachusetts. 
During his stay, the people compelled him to accept the appointment 
as Chief Justice of the province. In January, 1776, he was returned to 
Philadelphia to attend another session of Congress, and was authorized 
to instruct the other Massachusetts representatives, to secure the quick 
adoption of all measures calculated to safeguard colonial independence, 
and to secure liberty upon a permanent basis against “the power and 
art of the British administration.” Arriving at Philadelphia, he 
became greatly discouraged over public opinion in the South where 
the people looked upon a declaration of independence with great fear 
and reluctance. Suddenly the legislative body of the State of Virginia 
declared for independence. This was quickly followed by a similar 
declaration from other Southern states. The large number of persons 
who still thought or pretended to believe that reconciliation was still 
possible, were hard to overcome. It is strange, but true, that there 
were men sufficiently low in mind to charge that John Adams had a 
selfish purpose in desiring independence. The delegates from Mary¬ 
land openly insinuated that Adams was inspired to make safe and 
permanent his position as Chief Justice of Massachusetts. The great 
man brushed aside this base charge and stoutly and fearlessly pursued 
his way. His plan now embraced three big issues, a government in 


140 


MAKING A NATION 


every colony, a close confederation among them all, and treaties with 
foreign nations, compelling all to acknowledge America as an inde¬ 
pendent, sovereign nation. On May 15th John Adams and a com¬ 
mittee of Congress were directed to draft a resolution. This was done 
and it recited “that his Britannic Majesty, in conjunction with the 
Lords and Commons, had “excluded the inhabitants of these United 
Colonies from the protection of his crown; that the whole force of 
his kingdom, aided by foreign mercenaries, was being exerted for the 
destruction of the good people of these colonies; that it was irrecon¬ 
cilable to reason and good conscience for the colonists now to take 
oaths and affirmations for the support of any government under the 
crown of Great Britain; that it was necessary that every kind of 
authority under that crown should be totally suppressed, and that all 
the powers of government should be exerted under the authority of 
the people of the colonies.” 

The adoption of this preamble was to the mind of Adams, a 
matter of supreme and vital importance and in order to show the 
impression which it created on his mind, it is only necessary to quote 
part of a letter written the following day to his good wife, who stood 
with him throughout this trying period and whose views harmonized 
completely with those of her husband. “I feel an awe upon my mind 
which is not easily described. Great Britain has at last driven 
America to the last step, a complete separation from her, a total 
absolute independence, not only of her parliament, but of her crown, 
for such is the amount of the resolve of the 15th. Confederation 
among ourselves, or alliances with foreign nations, are not necessary 
to perfect a separation from Great Britain. . . . Confederation 

would be necessary for our internal concord, and alliances may be so, 
for our external defence.” 

So vital and fundamental a step as a final and perm.anent sever¬ 
ance of the relations between Great Britain and her colonies could 
not be exercised by a mere preamble and an informal resolution. 
Thus it was that on June 7th, 1776, Richard Henry Lee of the State 
of Virginia, moved a resolution respecting independence, which was 
seconded by John Adams. It is entirely possible that such was the 


JOHN ADAMS 


141 


view of John Adams, but he was too cunning to put forth the resolu¬ 
tion himself and doubtless it was his diplomatic mind that suggested 
the introduction of so fateful a resolution by a prominent delegate 
from the most important southern colony. This motion was approved 
by four New England and three southern colonies. It was, how¬ 
ever, vastly important that there should be a unanimous vote. Thus 
John Adams and his friends considered that delay was desirable and 
on motion July i, 1776, was set down as the day upon which the 
final vote was to be taken. Three very important committees were 
appointed. The first was charged with drafting what they termed 
a resolution of independence. Here again is shown the fine spirit of 
submerging self, which was exercised by this remarkable patriot. He 
could easily have been designated as chairman of the committee, but 
all personal ambition was sunk in the unselfish desire to bring about 
the wisest and most practical results. On this historic committee 
were Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger 
Sherman and R. R. Livingston. A second committee was named to 
devise a sensible plan for a complete federation of the thirteen colonies 
and some practical scheme under which they could operate jointly. 
The third committee was called upon to arrange and present to 
Congress a plan for the negotiation of treaties with foreign powers. 
The services of John Adams were in such demand and he was held 
in such high esteem that he was placed also on this last committee. 
In addition to the two committees, the work of which taxed his 
energies, almost beyond human endurance, he was put at the head 
of a board of war and ordnance, which board was called upon to 
formulate plans for the complete organization of an army, its equip¬ 
ment and provisioning and to establish rules and regulations for the 
conduct of a mighty war with a rich and powerful nation. 

It is quite certain that neither Jefferson nor Adams were particu¬ 
larly anxious to draft what was afterwards known in history as the 
“Declaration of Independence.” Jefferson really requested Adams 
to do the work. Adams, however, recognized the philosophical mind 
of Jefferson and his superior ability as a writer and by common con¬ 
sent, this mighty and gigantic task devolved upon Jefferson. When 


142 


MAKING A NATION 


this document had been fully completed by Jefferson, he submitted the 
draft of it to the committee and it was so wonderful that it was 
accepted by the committee without material change, although there 
is inserted in the original copy a few words, either in the hand¬ 
writing of John Adams or Benjamin Franklin. Adams said that 
after the paper was written, he and Thomas Jefferson read it over 
together and that he was “delighted with its high tone and flights 
of oratory.” 

On July 1st, the debate was resumed in committee and as a 
matter of fact on July 2nd it was reported out to the whole Con¬ 
gressional body and really was adopted on that date, although it 
was discussed until late July 4th. Even upon to that time, the 
declaration met with vigorous opposition. Thomas Jefferson was 
powerless in debate. He could not make a speech. Consequently, 
the defense to the declaration was almost entirely undertaken by 
Adams, who in this supreme hour, carried upon his own shoulders the 
burden of securing its adoption. Adams does not appear to have been 
conscious of the supreme quality of his labors, but others who lived 
at that time said that he was the “Colossus of the debate” and his 
praise w^as universally sung. Even Jefferson, who in after life for 
nearly half a century hated John Adams with a strange intensity, 
expressed the warmest admiration and gratitude. 

Concerning this affair, Mr. Adams wrote his wife as follows: 
“Yesterday the greatest question was decided which ever was debated 
in America, and a greater perhaps never was nor will be decided 
among men.” In another letter he wrote: “The second day of July, 
1776, will be the most memorable epoch in the history of America. I 
am apt to believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding generations as 
the great Anniversary Festival. It ought to be commemorated as the 
day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It 
ought to be solemnized with pomp, and parade, with shows, games, 
sports, bells, bonfires, and illuminations, from one end of this con¬ 
tinent to the other, from this time forward for evermore. You will 
think me transported with enthusiasm, but I am not. I am well aware 
of the toil and blood and treasure that it will cost us to maintain 


JOHN ADAMS 


143 


this Declaration, and support and defend these states. Yet through 
all the gloom I can see the rays of ravishing light and glory. I can 
see that the end is more than worth all the means; and that posterity 
will triumph in that day’s transaction, even though we should rue it, 
which I trust in God we shall not.” 

If John Adams had been merely a destroyer of the tie that 
bound the colonies to England he perhaps would not be entitled to 
enduring fame, but in addition to leading the fight for liberty and 
independence, he exhibited rare constructive qualities. This was 
evidenced by the manner with which he plunged into the organization 
of the army which was called upon to engage in this unequal struggle. 
He did this with full full knowledge of the overmastering ability 
of the foe. At this time, he wrote a letter to Samuel Chase, after¬ 
wards a justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, which he 
said, “If you imagine that I expect this declaration will ward off 
calamaties from this country, you are much mistaken. A bloody 
conflict we are destined to endure. . . . I do not expect that 
our new government will be so quiet as I could wish, nor that happy 
harmony, confidence and affection between the colonies that every good 
American ought to study and pray for, for a long time. But freedom 
is a counterbalance for poverty, discord, war and more. It is your 
hard lot and mine to be called into life at such a time. Yet even 
these times have their pleasures.” 

Congress sat in almost continuous session, but in 1777 just before 
Adams left Philadelphia in May, he saw the fulfillment of his prophesy 
to Chase and the bloody conflict was not only on, but had been 
disastrous to the cause of the revolution. We had sustained a ter¬ 
rific defeat on Long Island. New York had been evacuated by 
American troops. Washington had retreated through New Jersey 
and the great City of Philadelphia had been torn from our grasp by 
the enemy. The country was filled with gloom and every American 
heart shuddered at the awful prospect. The period was critical and 
the colonies were on the brink of ruin. Confidence in Washington 
had been shaken and a very serious attempt was being made to remove 
him from the command of the patriot army. It was well for the 
sake of posterity that this plot against Washington failed. 


144 


MAKING A NATION 


At this period of his life Mr. Adams was intensely democratic, 
simple and plain in habits. He wrote to Patrick Henry saying, 
“The decree has gone forth and it cannot be recalled that a more 
equal liberty than has prevailed in other parts of the earth must 
be established in America. That exuberance of pride, which has 
produced an Insolent domination in a few opulent monopolizing 
families will be brought down nearer to the confines of reason and 
moderation than they have been used to.” To another he writes con¬ 
cerning New York, “I am opposed to the plan of making your 
governor and counsellors for life or during good behavior. I should 
dread such a constitution in these perilous times. The people ought 
to have frequently the opportunity of considering the conduct of their 
leaders and of approving or disapproving. You will have no safety 
without it.” It was at this time with him always the idea that the 
large body of the people should be possessed of more power and 
importance. He engaged in a tremendous amount of correspondence, 
all for the purpose of advising leaders of public thought in the various 
colonies and in the tremendous task devolved upon him as the head 
of the military committee. 

On December 3, 1777, he was notified that he had been 
appointed a commissioner to the court of France. He w^as at 
the same time advised that the voyage across the Atlantic would 
be a dangerous one and that he should have his dispatch bags heavily 
weighted, so that if an English man-of-war should capture the vessel 
that he could quickly sink official papers and keep the English from 
getting hold of the secret instructions which would be handed to 
him as such commissioner. Again Adams did not hesitate. The day 
after notification was received, he accepted the important post, although 
the duty imposed upon him thereby was far from attractive. There 
is little doubt but that had he been captured he would have been trans¬ 
ported to England and hung as a traitor by order of the king. At 
the end of his journey the prospect was not inviting. He was sent 
there to replace Silas Deane, who with Benjamin Franklin and 
Arthur Lee had been representing the colonial government. Much 
conflict had arisen between the three commissioners and the government 


JOHN ADAMS 


145 


of France had been quite obstructive to the plans formulated and 
presented by the American commissioners. He left Boston Feb. 13, 
1778 and arrived in France March 31st. He was accompanied by his 
son, John Quincy Adams, who afterwards became president of the 
United States. They were chased by an English man-of-war, but 
the ship eluded capture. 

Few men of all history were ever so poorly equipped for diplo¬ 
macy as John Adams and few ever achieved such practical and 
successful results. Montesque wrote that language was made to 
conceal, not express thought. This embodies a duplicity, which in 
that day and all time since, until the Limitation of Armament Con¬ 
ference of 1922 was practiced in diplomacy. Honesty and truth were 
virtues highly prized in personal relations. In transactions between 
nations, dishonesty and deception were cardinal excellencies. This 
was conspicuously illustrated both in the attitude of England and 
France toward the struggling colonies. 

France generally is held to have been brave and generous toward 
the newly declared independent colonies. Lafayette and some of the 
French officers and the vast majority of the fighting and valiant 
French troops were inspired by the keenest desire to serve the cause 
of liberty and freedom. The diplomats of France were, however, 
inspired by motives altogether and essentially different. They did 
not want America to become too strong and self-reliant through a 
positive and affirmative victory. Their real purpose and intent was 
to so weaken their hereditary foe, England, as to win supremacy 
on land and sea. The French diplomats further aimed to make the 
price of their needed assistance, the subservience of the colonies to the 
political and commercial domination of France. 

So when Adams appeared in Paris he found Benjamin Franklin 
installed there, leading a life of luxury and ease, careless of detail, 
and through apparent complacency in yielding to the French idea, 
very much in favor. Adams was blunt and direct. He sought direct 
action. He came with a clear, straight, honest, well defined purpose. 
He was a plain, unadorned New England Puritan, knew little of 
courts, kings and potentates and cared less. He had truth and honesty 


146 


MAKING A NATION 


of purpose in his heart. What he sought was right and he nearly 
toppled over the conniving, conspiring, illusive diplomats by coming 
out in the open, brushing aside the cobwebs out of the dark chambers. 
He not only gained the open ill-will of the French authorities but 
the disdain of Franklin, if not his secret enmity. 

I do not wish to accuse Franklin of a direct attempt to bring 
about the recall of Adams, but there is ample evidence to prove that 
the wise, though soft and easy Franklin rather enjoyed the diplomatic 
plight of his American colleague. And it is equally true, he did noth¬ 
ing to set Adams right in the eyes of Congress, to which body the 
French secretary of foreign affairs appealed in protest over the clumsy 
policy pursued by the Massachusetts Puritan. The colonies had other 
delegates at Paris. The business of the mission was conducted in 
miserable and careless fashion. Public funds were being wasted, no 
accounts were kept, no records maintained. Adams made himself dis¬ 
liked, by setting the house in order and introducing strict business 
methods in the conduct of the affairs of the embassy. 

We find that the positive hatred of the French officials and 
the lukewarmness and jealousy of his own associates brought about 
the temporary disgrace and return of Adams to America. Here, 
his active brain was called into service in formulating the state 
Constitution of Massachusetts. Soon, however, he was sent abroad 
again. At Paris again he offended by lack of discretion. It was not 
in him to remain idle. He turned his attention to commercial treaties 
with Holland and the United Netherlands, and after endless hin¬ 
drances and delays, resulting from secret pressure both of France and 
England, he succeeded in negotiating loans of the utmost value to 
the creditless colonies. Again was he made one of the commissioners 
in the negotiations of the Peace Treaty with England, and was sent 
to London. 

In England he was poorly received. His plain manner, blunt style 
contrasted too strangely with British formality and ceremony. He 
was poorly paid and had no private fortune to enable him to assume 
the form and fashion of the period. The king turned his back on 
him and so did the Administrative and Diplomatic corps. English 


JOHN ADAMS 


147 


statesmen could not comprehend the truth and a man less patriotic 
than John Adams would have become discouraged and have abandoned 
the task. 

To add to the difficulties of the situation, Congress through 
Franklin had agreed with France that no final settlement with Eng¬ 
land should be made, unless its provisions were previously submitted 
to and met with the approval of France. Consequently all that Adams 
could do was to negotiate a tentative treaty. At first France seemed 
satisfied. Soon, however, she charged Adams with bad faith and 
almost succeeded in convincing Congress that Adams had violated 
instructions to the great hurt and danger of our late ally, France. 
A Congressional resolution reflecting on Adams was adopted but 
was finally expunged from the record. 

All of these important issues had been decided from the time of 
the surrender of Cornwallis to the adoption of the real Constitution, 
and while the country was composed of thirteen colonies loosely held 
together in an impotent, inefficient, non-workable Federation of 
entities, embracing the New England section, the middle colonies 
and the South with wide conflicting interests. 

In this imperfect study of the man, John Adams, time nor space 
permits in detail the portrayal of the matchless, the unequalled service 
rendered. Mistakes he made, indiscretions he committed, bad judg¬ 
ment he displayed, but no m.an could have achieved more than he did 
for his country. He was mistaken in, his attitude toward French 
diplomats, he was indiscreet in his relations with his associates, he 
was wrong in predicting the utter ruin and decay of Great Britain, 
but he fought his country’s battles always with his back to the wall, 
without fear. His political and moral integrity supreme, unfaltering. 

It is little wonder then, that with a peculiar ability in self- 
analysis, he began to hold a high estimate of his ability and service 
and the gratitude due him from his country. John Adams was a 
man of learning. He, like Jefferson, had never been a soldier. 
Neither he nor Jefferson could quite understand the hold which 
George Washington had uponi the affections of all sections and all 
classes. Adams never gave the true measure to Washington’s worth. 


148 


MAKING A NATION 


He felt that he had an equal claim to national gratitude and was 
jealous and sulked in his tent, upon finding that he was relegated to 
second place. 

At the first election under the new Constitution he even rather 
reluctantly accepted the Vice-Presidency and depreciated its pointless 
respectabilit)''. There were many great reasons why Adams and 
Jefferson should have been friends in spite of their opposing political 
opinions. But they grew to hate each other bitterly and remained 
hostile for half a centur}% Hamilton, too, who might have defeated 
Adams’ presidential ambition, but did not, was hated though he headed 
the Federalist party and lead the nation for nearly twelve years in 
most of its constructive endeavors, for neither Adams nor Jefferson 
took part in forming the Constitution of the United States. 

Then another strange thing occurred. Adams, who had stood 
before the king in strong republican simplicity, became a lover of 
form and ceremony, gilded wrapping and state affairs, until the people 
charged him with kingly ambitions and an enmity to plain democratic 
institutions. There was not the slightest foundation for any charge 
of the kind, but Jefferson, Monroe and Madison wanted power and 
this base charge was fine campaign material and was used to great 
advantage in building up a new party of the people. 

The reign of terror in France had its terrible influence in the 
colonies. Jefferson had been in Paris. He had observed the wild 
extravagancies of royalty. He had wept over the miseries and poverty 
of the people. He had seen tyrannny in its most refined and cruel 
form. There is little doubt but that he consorted and advised with 
the chief spirits of the revolution. Upon his return from France 
where he had imbibed this spirit of equality, and fraternity, he sought 
to influence public thought to the very extremes of liberalism. The 
people of the colonies were ignorant of the intricacies and mysteries 
of French diplomacy. They did not see the mean, calculating selfish¬ 
ness of French statesmen. They beheld only a nation that came to 
the aid of the people far across the sea in the hour of deadly peril. 
Every move which the common people of France made appeared to the 
vast majority of Americans as a practical repetition of their own 


JOHN ADAMS 


149 


conflict against British oppression, and every step of the revolution 
met w^ith sympathy and popular support. Washington, Hamilton and 
Adams conservatively sought to preserve a careful neutrality. They 
felt that such was the safe course to pursue. Jefferson by every means 
in his power had tried to turn the tide to a definite alliance with 
France. He charged Hamilton with the ambition of forming an 
alliance with England for definite action against France. All this 
was developed, however, and brought to a clearer decision of neutrality 
by the Genet affair. 

This unscrupulous Frenchman had been appointed as minister 
to the United States. Before presenting his credentials to President 
Washington, he landed at the port of Charleston, South Carolina. 
He induced Americans to fit out and man vessels as privateers to pray 
upon English commerce. In this he was secretly encouraged by Thos. 
Jefferson, then Secretary of State under George Washington. Ham¬ 
ilton advised the President of this danger, but Jefferson wrote an 
elaborate opinion trying to convince Washington that this was strictly 
in accord with the law of nations. 

Before Genet had officially presented his papers to the President 
he had visited a number of cities and had been royally received and 
entertained. This public adulation together with the rather secret 
approval of Jefferson lead Genet to imagine that he could successfully 
defy the constituted authorities. With this thought in mind he 
issued orders for the capture of an English ship in American waters. 
Under the advice of Hamilton and over the opposition of Jefferson, 
Washington ordered its release. Genet refused, and threatened to 
appeal from the ultimatum of the President of the United States to 
the people upon the theory that all power in a dispute was inherent 
in the people and that the people favored France as against England. 
This open insult brought all the people to a realization of the peril 
of the crisis and for the time made even Jefferson withdraw from his 
untenable position. The troublesome and dangerous Genet at our 
request was recalled and the nation solidified in its favorable attitude 
tow’ard strict neutrality. 

The retirement of Washington, however, the elevation of John 


150 


MAKING A NATION 


Adams to the Presidency, his utter lack of any sort of power to 
harmonize conflicting policies, the reckless leadership of Hamilton 
incessantly building up toward a strong, virile centralization of power, 
the cunning of Jefferson in creating, fostering and developing the 
machinery for a party of the people, aroused anew the S5"mpathy of the 
nation for France’s struggle through blood and terror upward to 
liberty and freedom. Clubs on the plan of the Parisian Jacobin 
Clubs were started everywhere, new^spapers first mild in criticism 
became abusive, offensive, slandering, and oftentimes suggestive pro¬ 
jects for the subversion of the government. Men everywhere indulged 
in the theory that in a republic there should be unchecked liberty of 
speech and freedom of the press. Both France and England were 
plundering us economically and commercially. Many still believed 
our greatest danger was from England and our safety in an open, 
direct alliance with Erance. Adams and Hamilton knew that France 
wanted such alliance solely to weaken and embarrass England and 
not for our good from any point of view. 

Adams sensitive to the soul, received his first big shock at his 
inauguration. Somehow he felt that he should be the central figure 
on the scene. He had been humiliated by the closeness of the vote 
as between Thomas Jefferson and himself, he having won by a very 
slight margin. In spite of this he was not prepared to realize just 
what George Washington meant to the nation. No one thinks that 
George Washington sought in any way to detract from the honor 
due a newly elected President. But on that solemn occasion the people 
seemed almost to forget the very presence of John Adams. Tears 
welled up in the eyes of all men at the passing out of public life of 
the Father of His Country. All eyes were fixed upon the tall and 
commanding figure of Washington. There was such veneration, 
such real sorrow that it seem.ed as though there was passing in review 
before national vision the great conflict of which Washington had 
been the concrete expression. Washington acted with perfect dignity 
and respect to his successor, but it was Washington’s hour and not 
Adams’, and the latter felt it keenly. That he was not big enough 
to participate in the general veneration for Washington revealed a 


JOHN ADAMS 


151 


weakness, totally at variance with the many sterling qualities of the 
man. It was a failing that should never have marred the life of one, 
who in so many other particulars was of such commanding service 
to the country. 

Soon after he assumed the presidency he developed a taste for 
meaningless pomp and ceremony. This rather feeble apeing of foreign 
manners was cunningly utilized by Jefferson and his party to lampoon 
Adams, and stigmatize Hamilton. The open charge was made that 
both had a project for subverting the Constitution and the replace¬ 
ment of the Republic with a monarchy. Newspapers subsidized by 
opposing politicians indulged in a campaign of vituperation and abuse, 
personal and bitter, that tore the country’s heart out. It appeared 
to the sense of Adams in the chair and Hamilton, party leader, that 
there was real danger overturning or at least greatly weakening the 
still frail governmental structure. 

Then came that collossal error so fatal to the continuation of the 
Federalist party. The administration enacted the alien and sedition 
laws. Under this Adams fathered the wholesale arrest and imprison¬ 
ment of offending newspaper editors and put in force the machinery 
by which undesirable aliens could be deported from the land. This 
gave another and still stronger campaign cry to the Republicans. 
Here, from their point of view, was another link in the chain slowly 
being forged to steal the liberty of the people, to hinder free speech 
and annihilate the sacred independence of the press held to be the 
guardian of popular rights. 

One Callender, a protege of Jefferson at one time was arrested, 
tried, convicted and imprisoned. He had served Jefferson when it 
suited him, but later even betrayed his former patron. This time, 
however, Callender had vented his slimy spleen against Adams, Ham¬ 
ilton and the Federalist party. Chief Justice Chace, a stern, uncom¬ 
promising Federalist, presided at the trial. He was so much of a 
partisan that he incidentally instructed the United States Marshall 
“not to put a damn democrat on the jury,” which was a mere polite 
phrase to indicate that evidence or none, Callender was tO' be rail¬ 
roaded into conviction. The trial was quite a famous one. It is im- 


152 


MAKING A NATION 


possible to go into the quite interesting details. But Callender was 
convicted, fined and sent to prison. There he remained until Jefferson 
became president. Jefferson pardoned him, remitted his fine but 
refused to appoint him to a public office at Richmond, Virginia. There¬ 
upon Callender joined the staff of an opposition journal. From that 
time on, until he committed suicide, he never lessened in a fiercer 
attack on Jefferson than he ever indulged in against Washington, 
Adams or Hamilton. Day by day he alleged that Jefferson had 
supplied him both with money and plans in his former attacks against 
the personal character of public men and attempted to prove that 
m.any of the articles printed in his paper against Washington and 
others were in the handwriting of Jefferson. He further attacked 
the personal character of Jefferson and unequivocally charged him 
with immoralities and debaucheries of the most flagrant nature. 
Jefferson never replied to these attacks, showing him wiser than Adams 
or Hamilton, who being stung by these scorpions, were finally lashed 
into retaliation, bringing upon themselves political ruin and disaster. 
A great English statesman' asked to define the one big element of 
success in his political career said, “That he had made it a rule, never 
to deny any charge contained in a newspaper.” He modified this, 
said he: “On one occasion the London Telegraph came out with an 
accusation against me so desperate and vile that I broke my rule and 
entered an emphatic denial. Now what do you suppose that rascally 
newspaper man did? By God—he proved it!” 

The trial of Callender was used by Jefferson as the basis of an 
attack on the Judicially He secretly compelled John Randolph, 
Attorney General, to bring impeachment proceedings in the United 
States Senate against Chase, who was certainly a fit subject for 
example. As usual Jefferson remained in the background. 

Vice-President Aaron Burr presided at the impeachment of Mr. 
Justice Chase. Randolph had lost power and prestige. His prose¬ 
cution was weak and pointless. The impeachment failed. Jefferson 
did not succeed in his attack on the integrity of the judiciary and 
only gained a secret humiliation that lasted many years. 

The administration of Adams continued to be encompassed with 


JOHN ADAMS 


153 


Utmost peril. England throttled us with orders in council. France 
approved unjust acts of Berlin and Milan. England impressed our 
sailors. France confined our ships in French harbors and robbed our 
shippers of their merchandise. Jefferson laid all these evils to Eng¬ 
land. Hamilton assailed France. There was countless reasons and 
justification for war against both England and France. Each point 
of view had many partisans. 

In spite of all his faults Adams again was the real big man of 
the crisis. He dominated it like a huge Colossus. His first concern 
was the United States. He despised both nations. He had been in 
London. He knew the utter and designing intent of the English 
crown to weaken, crush, destroy the colonies, if such was possible. 
He had told King George that the best policy of the United States 
was to keep out of all wars. 

He was as strong as Washington had been in the theory that 
our safet}^ lay in a complete refusal to enter upon any entangling 
European alliance. He saw through the hypocritical, diplomatic cour¬ 
tesy of France. He penetrated the utter selfishness of the French states¬ 
men. It seem.ed as though Adams would be rended, at least politically, 
limb from limb, by the bitter partisanship of the hour. The Hamil¬ 
tonians for England and the Jeffersonians for France. Just as firm 
and immovable as he was in a course of folly, so was he just as 
unchangeable and adamant in wisdom. He gave way to neither and 
likewise he pleased neither and for this very reason secured and 
retained more concrete, concentrated hatred than was endured by any 
man who ever became President of the United States. 

Few men ever served longer or better and none was ever so 
bitterly and tragically misunderstood, assailed and reviled as John 
Adams. Monroe, our minister to France, under the tutelage of 
Jefferson, sought in every way to favor the French party. His con¬ 
duct was insanely unwise and dangerous. His recall was absolutely 
necessary. Before departing the French directory gave Monroe such 
fulsome recognition in the ceremony of farewell as to be a positive 
affront to the United States. In fact Pinkney, our ambassador, had 
been refused recognition. John Marshall and Eldridge Gerry were 


154 


MAKING A NATION 


appointed and sailed to France in 1797. Talleyrand was then min¬ 
ister of foreign affairs. He made a proposal involving payment of 
monetary bribes to himself and certain members of the French direc¬ 
tory in return for which France would accede to American policies. 
This base project was rejected by our three commissioners. Pinkney 
' and Marshall returned to America and Gerry remained. Soon it 
became apparent that the mission had failed. 

Adams still refused to declare war, though there was ample 
justification. Hamilton demanded the details and the infamous X Y Z 
correspondence was revealed to Congress and the country in all its 
naked, unblushing hideousness. A great wave of indignation swept 
over the nation. It was with extreme difficulty that the country 
could be restrained from forcing immediate conflict with France. 
Adams declared that never again would he send another American 
representative to France until he had been absolutely assured they 
would be accorded proper recognition. 

When it looked like war might come, it devolved on Adams to 
appoint a commander-in-chief of the army. Washington was called 
on in his peaceful retirement to accept this honorable commission. 
He refused to assume the office unless Hamilton was appointed as 
second in command, and though Adams objected he made the selection, 
thereby angering other military men over whom Flamilton had been 
advanced. The Federalist party by internal dissensions was sowing 
seeds for its own downfall. 

When Tallyrand found that his evil schemes had been exposed. 
When he realized the storm it raised he turned about. It was not 
in accordance with French politics to bring about open rupture or 
armed confilict with the American colonies. He further allowed 
Gerry to return to America with all sorts of olive branch proposals, 
conveying the impression that France would only be too glad to 
receive American ambassadors and to treat with them on a basis of 
equity and justice. In a speech to Congress at this time Adams said: 
“But in demonstrating by our conduct that we do not fear war in 
the necessary protection of our rights and honor, we shall give no 
room to infer that we abandon the desire for peace. An efficient 


JOHN ADAMS 


155 


preparation for war can alone insure peace. Harmony betw^een us 
and France may be restored at her option.” He said much more, all 
indicating a desire and hope for peace but a plain, blunt, unutterable 
determination to prepare vigorously to fight, if France forced war. 

When Adams was satisfied that the French ministry was disposed 
to play fair he resolved on appointing ministers and named Chief 
Justice Ellsworth, Patrick Henry and Van Murray. Patrick Henry de¬ 
clined on account of old age and Governor Davies of North Carolina 
was substituted. This created a storm, but Adams persisted. Tallyrand 
after delays and insulting comments agreed to receive the Americans. 
But he temporized and was not as cordial as he had promised. Tally¬ 
rand, however, by November had been replaced. Meanwhile three 
members of Adams’ cabinet were fighting him. They took the posi¬ 
tion that it was beneath the dignity of the nation to submit to any 
negotiation at all with France in view of the undignified attitude of 
the statesmen of that nation. Adams wanted results and he closed his 
eyes to impertinence. He thereby kept his country out of war, but so 
divided his own party as to make his re-election impossible. 

The Federalist partisan organization had been a grand party. 
It had been full of brainy men. It had achieved big things. It had 
infused power and authority in the Union. It had given vigor and 
life to an infant nation. Fully one-half of the yet remaining body 
of Federalists charged that Adams was the hand that wrought ruin 
and destruction to the party which Washington and Hamilton had 
made so supreme in power. 

The other half claimed that the blame should rest upon Ham¬ 
ilton. Hamilton had arrogated to himself a leadership which none 
seemed ready to dispute. As Secretary of the Treasury under Wash¬ 
ington he had created the Federalist party, had established its prin¬ 
ciples, formulated its measures, trained and lead its forces and won 
its victories. Upon retiring from public office he had given counsel 
to officials and directed the policy of the dominant party leaders. 
Hamilton did not dare urge a declaration of war on France, yet 
he compelled his associates in his wing of the Federalist party to 
oppose Adams’ policy of peace, merely because that policy did not 


156 


MAKING A NATION 


quite conform to Hamilton’s idea of what was due to the dignit)^ 
of the country. Thus while Jefferson had the united support of the 
great masses of the people and had knitted together and had welded 
in a solid mass all the forces opposed to Adams and Hamilton, these 
two obstinate, though great patriots, divided their waning strength 
and dissipated their political and party vitality in bitterness and shame. 

In attempting to analyze the real merit of the fatal controversy 
between these two men, the evidence seems to point conclusively to 
the greater guilt of Hamilton. Though masterful he was but a 
private citizen. He had not so great a right to formulate policies 
as Adams, who had been by popular vote, chosen to represent the law 
and execute the will of the people. Adams had a greater right and 
was in a better position to interpret popular will than Hamilton. 
In the light of subsequent events, it is certain that Adams’ plan was 
safe, wise and productive of the happiest results for his countr}\ If 
Hamilton, even as the unquestioned head of his party, held to a 
policy that might have plunged us into war with France, then 
Hamilton was wrong and Adams right. 

I think that if one thought is more certain than any other 
concerning this matter, it is that John Adams in all his actions as 
President of the United States was actuated by no concern as to his 
political future, that his sole guide was what in his judgment, right 
or wrong, was for the good of the nation. In 1815 he wrote: “I 
will defend my missions to France as long as I have an eye to direct 
my hand or a finger to hold my pen. They were the most dis¬ 
interested and meritorious actions of my life. I reflect upon them 
with so much satisfaction that I desire no other inscription over my 
grave stone than ‘Here lies John Adams, who took upon himself the 
responsibility of the peace with France in the year 1800’.” 

Pickering, Wolcott and McHenry, the three differing members 
of Adams’ Cabinet, all acted in exceeding bad faith. Common decency 
would have suggested that if they could not act in a fair degree of 
harmony with the President, who had appointed them members of 
his official family, that they should have resigned. Instead of this 
they retained office and gave out to Hamilton the secret discussions 


JOHN ADAMS 




157 


!v-'v;w 


of State matters to the embarrassment of Adams and the hurt of the 
country and to the utter damage of the party to which they professed 
allegiance. They may have been very honest men, they may have 
served well, but I can find no justification for this wanton betrayal 
of their superior officer. Adams was so absorbed in the pursuit of 
his well laid plans that he did not fully know the extent of their 
treachery. He dimly saw that something was wrong. He demanded 
AIcHenry’s resignation. Then Adams gave Pickering a chance to 
resign, which he refused to accept, but Adams put him out. Wolcott 
stayed a while merely to act as news purveyor for Hamilton but he 
finally got out, but Adams little knew how Wolcott, too, had betrayed 
him, and before he left the President appointed Wolcott to the Bench 
and Adams died in ignorance of the perfidy of Wolcott. 

Though John Adams had not been guided by a desire for re- 
election, it is not unnatural that under the peculiar conditions of party 
politics, he should have desired a re-election. He had been right, he 
had rendered indescribable and unequalled service to the nation, he 
had been spotless in integrity, his private character was unstained. 
Washington had served two full terms. 

Here again is where Hamilton rather redeemed himself. In spite 
of his implacable hate for Adams, he surveyed the party status and 
he concluded that Adams was the logical candidate of the Federalist 
party. He was satisfied that Adams was the only man who could 
poll the party’s full strength. But even this admission was tainted 
with injustice. He wrote a pamphlet containing an indictment of 
the administration of Adams but advising the country to support 
him for re-election. Party leaders pleaded with Hamilton against the 
publication of the pamphlet. It had been printed but not circulated. 
But Aaron Burr, by some underground route secured a copy of Ham¬ 
ilton’s pamphlet, and it was used as the great campaign document 
for the undoing of Adams. Every hope of Federal success vanished. 
The cause was lost beyond redemption. Hamilton confessed that he 
had committted an unpardonable blunder. In spite of this unforgiv¬ 
able feud Jefferson and Burr received only seventy-three votes in the 
electoral college and Adams and Pinckney respectively sixty-five and 




158 


MAKING A NATION 


sixty-four, which shows that with anything like harmony within 
Federalist ranks, that Adams could possibly have been re-elected. 

Before retiring from office Adams performed one service to the 
Federalist idea, the value of which was little understood either by 
Adams or his contemporaries. He made John Marshall Chief Justice 
of the Supreme Court of the United States. Through Marshall the 
Federalist interpretation of the Constitution long held sway, though 
no one ever dared accuse John Marshall of allowing partisan politics 
to sway his decisions. He interpreted the law in superb and con¬ 
scientious fashion and gave a dignity and power to the Supreme Court 
which established its right to be classed as the noblest judicial tribunal 
in the world. 

Adams was mortally humiliated by the victory of the Republican 
party. His anger instead of taking on a dignified submission to the 
popular verdict, degenerated into a petty hate and a puerile spite 
that pushed him into commission of one of the most discreditable 
deeds of his long life. 'He sat in his office the last day of his official 
term, quite up to midnight signing appointments to office so that at 
least Jefferson would be robbed of this much patronage! He did 
not remain to greet the new President nor lend his presence to Jeffer¬ 
son’s inauguration I 

We, in these times of pitiful peace, who go not through great 
crises, who have no battles save those for the accumulation of wealth, 
have but little conception of the bitter grief, the ungovernable rage, 
the madness in Adams’ soul, that madness implanted by the gods when 
they design man’s complete destruction. He had done right in great 
things and wrong only in small things. His service to the nation 
had been as great in his lines of endeavor as that of any other patriot 
save Washington only. 

After leaving office he retired to the family homestead near 
Quincy, Massachusetts, among friends and neighbors. He lived to 
see his son, John Quincy Adams, made President. He, too, served 
but one term. John Adams spent his last twenty-six years in study, 
contemplation, and writing some of his literary effusions which would 
possibly have been better left unwritten, for they revealed a bitterness 


JOHN ADAMS 


159 


entirely beneath a man so great and one whose vast experience had 
made him so wise in the larger, broader, and nobler deeds of men. 

One of the final acts of his great life was in advocating religious 
liberty in the State of Massachusetts. This stand he took in a Con¬ 
stitutional Convention, the chairmanship of which had been tendered 
him. He died on the same day that Thomas Jefferson passed out. 
These two had become reconciled and before Adams finally crossed 
the mystic river he had buried all his old animosities and was at peace 
with all the world, though to the end he stoutly maintained an 
unbroken faith in the superiority of his own virtue and patriotism. 

Adams lacked the clear vision of the first President. Hamilton 
had the power of unerring analysis. He collated, surveyed, and formu¬ 
lated with logical precision. Adams could not do this. Jefferson could 
cunningly contrive, Adams could only win with direct, honest, hard 
blows. Washington and Jefferson were born diplomats. Hamilton 
and Adams were often driven to action under the impetus of resistless 
rage. Adams was as honest as Washington and his integrity far 
higher than either Jefferson or Hamilton. Washington and Hamilton 
were trained soldiers. Adams and Jefferson men of peace in the 
midst of war and conflict. Washington and Jefferson could lead 
plain, common men. Adams could lead no man and Hamilton could 
only lead leaders. Washington and Jefferson won each a supreme 
place in history and Adams and Hamilton lowered great names far 
below the proud place they should have occupied. But in spite of 
glaring faults, Adams’ service to the infant republic, his shining 
virtues, his unblemished patriotism, will forever give him a conspicuous 
place in the heart of the nation and as years roll on, his fame will 
increase rather than grow dimmer. 

Independence would have been achieved by the colonies, for it 
was written in the book of fate, but had it not been for Patrick Henry 
in the South and John Adams of New England, leaders of American 
thought, would have at least deferred the hour of deliverance, by 
making another desperate effort toward reconciliation with the Mother 
Country. These two men were not only vitally patriotic, but far 
ahead of their contemporaries, because they visioned the Independence 


160 


MAKING A NATION 


which was necessary to the happiness and safety of the people. Of all 
national leaders they were the most courageous in facing the issue 
and in inspiring the nation to meet the supreme test. This was the 
highest service they rendered. This is the supreme honor that will 
not be tarnished in all future ages. 


James Monroe 


N O MAN has every been elevated to the Presidency of this 
Republic who did not rise to the responsibility of this high 
and mighty office. This is peculiarly true of James Monroe, 
Fifth President of the United States of America. Twice he met 
with well-deserved disaster in the public service, but he went through 
a fiery crucible of suffering and humiliation. These earlier experi¬ 
ences separated the gold of a really fine character from dross, so that 
when higher duties devolved upon him, he met them with fine courage 
and matured wisdom. Thus he left to his country a great name. 
While not free from grievous faults, by great service he retrieved 
each error. When weighed in the scale of final achievement, his 
record stands quite fine and clear. 

Three men, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison and James 
Monroe were responsible for calling into existence the Republican 
(Democratic) party. The Federalist party, dominated by Alexander 
Hamilton, for twelve years, was finally swept from power, practically 
wrecked. This victory brought years of honor—service and public 
office to this great trio, each enjoying a second term as President; 
each given stupendous opportunity to shape, for good or ill, the future 
destiny of the nation. Partizan ambition gave place to unblemished 
patriotism. When called to supreme power, their uplifted souls, 
enabled them to lay aside all narrow dreams, merging every aspiration 
into noblest action for the good of all the people of our common 
country. 

There was a well defined difference in these associates in a com¬ 
mon cause. Jefferson was a profound philosopher, an original thinker, 
Madison w^as lofty in sentiment, 5^et practical in political manipula¬ 
tion and eloquent and forceful of speech, while Monroe was plodding, 
not brilliant and vastly inferior in scholarship to either Jefferson or 
Madison. He was, however, loyal to their plans and policies and 
never wavered, until the hour when rivalry for high honors placed 
him in antagonism to Madison. But a common purpose made them 


162 


MAKING A NATION 


forget their personal conflicts for the general good. No proper analysis 
of historic events can be had, unless we give careful study to the 
relation of James Monroe, to the development of national politics. 
Nor can we understand why the Civil War became inevitable, unless 
we trace the Jeffersonion Construction of the Constitution, which 
after all was the foundation stone of the party, created by this 
illustrious trio. For half a century after the Declaration of Inde¬ 
pendence Monroe took part in the public affairs of this nation. If he 
was not alv/ays above criticism, he was ever conspicuous. He had 
courage, though he lacked vision. If in youth he was moved by 
unguarded enthusiasm, age mellowed his judgment and made him 
conservative, wise and useful. During his administration as Presi¬ 
dent he formulated the “Monroe Doctrine,” a national policy which 
alone gave him a very worthy distinction, a policy which time has 
written beyond the possibility of repeal, into a fundamental principle 
of international law, and which has become respected by all the sov¬ 
ereign nations of the world. 

In the 5^ears allotted him he was first a gallant soldier, though 
like Hamilton and Burr, a disappointed one. His ambitions for 
quick advancement were not realized. Having graduated from Wil¬ 
liams and Mary College, the highest institution of learning in the 
land, he studied law under the same great mind which directed the 
legal training of John Marshall, afterwards Chief Justice of the 
United States Supreme Court, and Henry Clay, later destined to 
become so prominent in the public affairs of the times. Having early 
in life tasted the jo5^s of public life, he determined upon a public 
career and give little attention to the practice of his chosen profession. 
He was a member of the State Legislature, Governor of the proud 
State of Virginia, a delegate to Congress, a delegate to the Con¬ 
stitutional Convention, Senator of the United States; he was a Cabinet 
Officer, on several occasions he represented the nation at foreign 
courts; he was President and re-elected for a second term without 
a dissenting vote and even after this was a Regent of the University 
of Virginia. Though he occupied so many posts of honor there is by 
comparison but little detail recorded of his deeds. Not nearly so 


JAMES MONROE 


163 


much as is within easy reach concerning his contemporaries. This 
failure to impress was due to the fact that he was neither profound, 
fundamental or vital; that he was guided largely by expediency rather 
than firmly grounded principle, and that in the main he stood for 
pulling down rather than building up. The fabric of strong govern¬ 
ment of centralized power created by the Federalists might be 
destroyed even if he had no structure to rear upon the ruin thereof. 
These negative men who achieve some good are not as highly remem¬ 
bered in memory as the positive men who really do evil. 

Monroe’s legislature activities were not marked by any evidence 
of distinctive ability. This was rather to him a period of feeling out 
policies and men. At this time he, like Jefferson, was open in a 
declaration against slavery but neither felt it safe to press against 
the power, passion and self-interest of the slave-holding barons of the 
Southern States. 

Monroe served in three Congresses prior to the holding of the 
Constitutional Convention of 1787. When that instrument had been 
adopted he hastened to Virginia and was elected a delegate to the 
State Convention before which the Constitution must come for 
ratification or rejection. This was a supreme test. If Virginia, the 
most powerful of the thirteen states, ratified it, it meant a great 
forward point gained for the Federalists. The party favoring ratifica¬ 
tion in Virginia was lead by Madison, who wrote with Alexander 
Hamilton for the Federalist, John Marshall and Edmund Randolph. 
The opposition was led by Patrick Henry, James Monroe and others. 
Monroe’s antagonism was based primarily upon the abuses which he 
alleged would follow unchecked power and a coming conflict between 
national and state authority. He regarded the proposed government 
as dangerous. The Constitution, however, was adopted and Virginia 
ratified it. 

In the face of political demagogues and against popular clamor 
Washington and Hamilton advocated with boldness and courage 
a centralized government of sufficient force and efficiency to cope 
with growing evils within and dangers without. Monroe saw 
in this both before and after the adoption of the Constitution a great 


164 


MAKING A NATION 


menace to popular rights. Many years afterward in a letter to 
General Jackson on the subject Monroe said: “That some of the 
leaders of the Federalist party entertained principles unfriendly to 
our system of government, I have been thoroughly convinced and that 
they meant to work a change in it by taking advantage of favorable 
circumstances, I am equally satisfied. It was an epoch at which the 
views of men were most likely to unfold themselves as if anything 
favorable to a higher toned government was to be obtained, that w^as 
the time. No daring attempt was ever made because there w^as no 
opportunity for it. I thought that Washington was opposed to these 
schemes and not being able to take him with them, that they were 
forced to work in regard to him, underhanded, using his name and 
standing with the nation as far as circumstances permitted to serve 
their purposes. My candid opinion is that dangerous purposes I 
have adverted to, were never adopted if they were known especially 
in their full extent by any large portion of the Federal party, but 
were confined to certain leaders and they principally to the Eastward.” 

Though opposed to the new Constitution, Monroe soon became 
a member of the United States Senate again under peculiar circum¬ 
stances. The Governor of the State appointed John Walker, the 
legislature elected Monroe and he took his seat. His main effort 
was directed against Washington’s administration. Thus Alexander 
Hamilton came under the particular disfavor of Senator Monroe. He 
was an objector and obstructionist and so continued while in the 
Senate. He objected to foreign appointments upon the ground that 
office should not be given to those so closely in touch with the admin¬ 
istration, but when Washington, laying aside partizan considerations 
appointed him Minister to France, he rather accepted with alacrity. 
Monroe was twice Governor. On his first election there was a great 
party opposed to him. The Richmond Federalists said that “the day 
of his election should be a day of mourning, that Virginia’s misfortunes 
may be comprised in one short sentence, ‘Monroe is elected Gov- 
ernor ! 

At this portion of our study it is well to introduce a famous 
character of the times, John Randolph, who for a time occupied a very 


JAMES MONROE 


165 


distinguished position in public life and whose connection wdth Monroe 
was important. Politicians then were moved by the same dark com¬ 
plexities as influence those of today, who seek public place. John 
Randolph of Roanoke, who boasted that Indian blood flowed in his 
veins, began his career by opposing the feeble and out-vv^orn patriot 
Patrick Plenry. The occasion w^as the fear aroused at the seat of 
government over the effect of the notorious Kentucky and Virginia 
resolutions. In these resolutions, inspired and partially written by 
Jefferson, yet approved by Monroe, Virginia and Kentucky demanded 
repeal of the Alien and Sedition laws upon the open threat of a with¬ 
drawal from the Union. Randolph asserted, wdien he became Mon¬ 
roe’s political enemy at a later period, that Monroe caused the Con¬ 
struction of the Grand Armory at Richmond to enable the State of 
Virginia by armed force, to resist an invasion of popular rights by 
the National Government. 

Under such a state of actual danger, at an advanced age, 
Henry once more lifted his voice abjuring the people of his 
state, not to raise their hands against the general government. 
John Randolph opposed the views of the veteran statesman and was 
landed in Congress. This same John Randolph w^as bitter of tongue, 
im.placable in hatreds, unforgiving in disposition. He w^as the Re¬ 
publican party’s leader and w^hip in Congress. He carried out the 
wdll of Jefferson in handling the Legislative branch of Congress and 
was a henchman and supporter of Monroe. When Jefferson saw 
fit to change his policy for the good of the nation, Randolph would 
not go wdth him. Randolph fought for States Rights to the very 
close of his life and he finally opposed every move of those, within 
his party, w'ho sought a liberal and expansive Construction of the 
Constitution. Randolph’s loss of prestige arose over his failure to 
bring about the impeachment of Mr. Justice Chase of the Supreme 
Court. 

When Jefferson was about to lay dowm the reigns of executive 
rule, it was certain that competition w^ould arise betw^een Madison 
and VIonroe for the Presidency. Then it was Randolph used every 
art he possessed to instill the poison of ambition into the mind of 


166 


MAKING A NATION 


Monroe and force him to come out in the open and fight Madison 
for the office. By that time Randolph had fallen and Monroe promptly 
turned his back upon him; upon the theory that any further recog¬ 
nition of this foe of Madison’s might harm his future political career. 

Madison was very fair with Monroe in spite of their bitter 
rivalry for the Presidency, for he appointed him secretary of state in 
i8ii. No sooner had Monroe taken his portfolio of office than it 
became clear that war with England was inevitable. Every effort, 
however, was made by our Government to avert the calamity. Every 
argument for justice was presented to Mr. Foster, Britain’s Minister 
to the United States. January, 1812, it was set forth in a public 
document that “in the conduct of the British Government it is 
impossible to see anything short of a determined hostility to the rights 
and interests of the United States.” A declaration of w^ar against 
England was forced on this country. For a time the conflict was 
highly favorable to Britain. Her troops burned the national capital. 
Our military and naval forces were small, poorly trained and in¬ 
efficiently led. At one time Monroe was both Secretary of State 
and Secretary of War. Pie soon brought order out of chaos. He 
was energetic, resourceful and victorious—Washington was defended; 
Baltimore rescued. Plis orders to Jackson saved New Orleans and 
soon England’s continental troubles, requiring the use of her every 
resource, made peace with the United States deeply welcome, and 
it came to pass. 


FIRST MISSION TO FRANCE 

We who live at a time when the machinery of government runs 
smoothly can have no possible conception of the difficulty which 
continually confronted Washington and John Adams. Jefferson 
brought back from France a very deep and abiding hatred for royal 
tyranny over the common people. That sentiment converted him to 
the theory of the bloody revolution which he regarded as a necessary 
phase in the action essential to the overthrow of autocratic rule. 
He seized on every occasion to spread propaganda among the people 


JAMES MONROE 


167 


for an alliance with France. He and his disciples among whom was 
Monroe, saw no virtue in England and violently opposed a treaty 
with that nation. The situation was fraught with great danger. 
The citizens were greatly divided. The administration sought a 
strict neutrality. Such was proclaimed April 22, 1793. It was known 
that France had appointed the j^outhful and enthusiastic Genet, who 
upon arrival, encouraged by Jefferson and his hords of adherents, 
proceeded to violate every rule of International amity and courtesy, 
taking such action as would incite England to open hostility against 
us, and which if not repudiated and ended, would have made not 
only neutrality a farce, but would have brought war upon a nation 
illy prepared to fight. This was endured with a patience quite incom¬ 
prehensible, until the Frenchman threatened to appeal from Wash¬ 
ington to the people. This enraged America and Genet’s recall was 
demanded. 

Our appointees to France, with the one exception of Benjamin 
Franklin, had up to this time been somewhat unfortunate. Morris 
had attached himself to the party of the King and when the Revolu¬ 
tion gained the ascendency, the Republic did not take kindly to his 
Ministry. He was persona non grata and was recalled. Washing¬ 
ton’s choice to this difficult and trying position was Monroe. Wash¬ 
ington knew that Monroe was opposed to the administration, but the 
latter was a Senator of the United States from Virginia and this was 
by no means the first tim.e that Washington had selected his officials 
from the ranks of his political opponents The new ambassador re¬ 
ceived specific instructions in writing. He was required to adopt a 
conciliatory deportment, which might open the way to an ultimate 
alliance in case of war with England, but in no way was he to commit 
the country or hold out hopes in advance that the United States would 
depart in any way from the declared policy of strict neutrality. There 
was an infinitely wise purpose underlying these instructions. There 
was nothing so necessary to national prosperity as peace both with 
Great Britain and France; a peace that would permit a resumption 
of trade and commerce. Obviously this happy condition was utterly 
impossible with unsettled relations with England while France made 


168 


MAKING A NATION 


pawns of US upon her political chess board, and both unblushingly 
seized our cargoes, sunk or ships, and murdered our seamen. 

Mr. Monroe deliberately set at naught both the letter and spirit 
of his written instructions. No sooner had he been officially received 
than he gave a public demonstration of his attachment to the new 
regime. He appeared in person before their legislative conclave, made 
a public speech and officially presented the French Republic with an 
American flag. At this very hour another American, Mr. Jay was 
bending every energy of a very able and patriotic mind to negotiate 
that all important treaty with England. Monroe acted on the pre¬ 
sumption that no treaty with Great Britain was possible, and that 
the best policy was to prepare France for the closing of an alliance 
with America, which he felt sure would swiftly come. French states- 
m.en complained to Monroe of our favoritism toward England. Mon¬ 
roe, the appointee of Washington, actually declared that the American 
people as a whole were in complete accord with the aspirations and 
purposes of France, that those who favored England were representa¬ 
tive only of Washington and his party and that at the next election, 
another President would be chosen who would more truly execute 
the real public opinion of the country. The French Historian Thier’s 
sets forth these facts clearly and beyond dispute. Some have attributed 
this behavior to youthful enthusiasm in the Cause of French Liberty. 
I feel that it deserved to be described as the deliberate betrayal of 
his chief, and one of the steps planned to bring discredit upon the 
despised and feared Federalists, who ruled the country with iron 
hands. He had been the recipient of a great farewell on the part 
of France as an intentional rebuke to the United States and Monroe’s 
successor was refused official recognition. Upon his recall to America 
which promptly followed the discovery of his glaring misconduct he 
sought vindication. He rushed into print, and published a pamphlet 
of more than five hundred pages. Herein he brazenly attempted to 
prove that Washington was responsible for his failure and that his 
summary recall was entirely without justification. A careful in¬ 
vestigation of such alleged defence as Mr. Monroe himself lays down, 
completely proved that not only should he have been recalled but 


JAMES MONROE 


169 


that Washington deserved censure for having delayed the matter as 
long as he did. In spite of these facts beyond possibility of contra¬ 
diction, Monroe had his following and there were many who mar¬ 
tyrized him. He was well received by the people of his native state. 
Nor was it very long before he was again to be found in public office, 
animated by a still deeper design to crush that party, through which 
this dishonor had been put upon his name and fame. 

In spite of the fact that Monroe felt bitterly toward Washington 
and vigorously defended himself, there was a time later in life when 
he adopted a different view. December 5, 1827, he wrote to McLean, 
a member of the Cabinet of John Quincy Adams: “I am now retired 
to private life. I never doubted the perfect integrity of General 
Washington, nor the strength or energy of his mind and was per¬ 
sonally attached to him. I admired his patriotism and had full con¬ 
fidence in his attachment to liberty and solicitude for the success of 
the French Revolution.” Twenty-five years had mellowed the 
mortification endured through his recall and he rendered complete 
justice to the memory of the great American who had given him such 
great opportunity for service and honorable distinction. 

DIPLOMATIC EFFORT 

Monroe’s prediction had been verified. Washington was no 
longer President. He had gone on, his memory cherished as the 
foremost American. John Adams had been defeated—Republicanism 
undefiled ( ?) had intrenched itself in power and Jefferson and his 
cohorts had full and unchecked opportunity. The hour had arrived 
to put into practice those theories of Constitutional Construction 
which these gentlemen had so smoothly prated when seeking place. 
Without regard to party it was conceded that the right to the naviga¬ 
tion of the Mississippi Pviver and use of the port at New Orleans was 
of supreme importance to the welfare and prosperity of the nation. 
It was now certain that Monroe’s prior recall and disgrace had 
been not so much from lack of ability as from loyalty to Jeffersonian 
ideals. So the President, not ungrateful but awaited the hour when 


170 


MAKING A NATION 


he could repay his disciple and partizan. R. R. Livingstone, an able 
statesman and unstained patriot was our resident Minister at the 
French capitol. It was a matter of policy with Jefferson to assign 
a given task to one man or group of men and then appoint some 
other to either watch or aid his prior appointees. Thus he joined 
Monroe as Envoy Extraordinary for joint and several negotiations. 
Extreme partizans of Jefferson lay claim to the idea that his original 
intent was the purchase of the entire province of Louisiana. The 
weight of evidence is against this contention. The country needed 
the use of the great river and its port at the junction of river and 
Gulf of Mexico and Congress had been induced to make a secret 
appropriation of a sum deemed large enough for this purpose. As 
long as this right was denied it could but remain as a perennial cause 
for conflict with the foreign nations who controlled this contiguous 
domain. It was greatly to the credit of Monroe that he was among 
the first to recognize the prime need of river, gulf and port and he 
persistently refused all compromise, nor did he rest until time and 
circumstance enabled him to take part in that great act which gained 
not only the original right but the whole vast region to the possession 
of the United States. 

Napoleon, the Collossal Dragon, was spit forth out of the ex¬ 
cesses of the Reign of Terror. From unknown Corsican to Com¬ 
manding General, he had arisen to co-consul. Speedily he had deposed 
his associates and soon was a self created Emperor possessing auto¬ 
cratic power never before or since wielded by one human being. These 
were but natural steps to this greedy and ambitious ruler. His victor¬ 
ious troops overran all Europe. He sniffed at and made Popes bow to 
his will. He created Kings of his relations and dependable Marshals. 
He set aside the wife of his youth in order that his throne might be 
made still more powerful. He literally waded through oceans of 
blood and tears to perpetuate himself in power, and strike terror to his 
foes. He incited France to sow the seeds of that certain retribution, 
which inevitably follows stupendous evil. 

Across the sea the First Consul saw a nation struggling under 
countless troubles within and without to maintain that freedom and 


JAMES MONROE 


171 


liberty which had been wrested from the mother country, after such 
supreme effort. He saw in America both a help and a menace. 
America could serve his purpose by weakening England, which Na¬ 
poleon intended to conquer. A republic however strong and power¬ 
ful, might tend to obstruct his designed pathway to the Dominion of 
the World. In his various campaigns too, he had pretty nearly ex¬ 
hausted the Treasury and he needed money with which to prosecute 
further wars. 

The French autocrat trusted but few men. In his negotiations 
with Livingstone he was at times cool and haughty, at others, cordial 
and affable. He gave contradictory instructions to his Ministers and 
agents. He m.ade propositions and withdrew and at times denied that 
he had agreed on certain prices—terms and conditions. At all times, 
however, Livingstone planned solely to secure rights to the port of 
New Orleans and navigation of the great river. The proposition to 
purchase the entire title of France to the whole Province of Louisiana 
came from Napoleon. Neither Livingstone, nor later Monroe had 
been given authority to conclude this larger and more extensive pur¬ 
chase. On the appointment of Mr. Monroe, Jefferson wrote him: 
“If we cannot by a purchase of the country, assure ourselves a course 
of perpetual peace and friendship with all nations, then a war cannot 
be distant, it behooves us to be immediately preparing for that course, 
without, however, hastening it. We shall get entangled in European 
politics and be much less happy and prosperous.” 

To Livingstone, Jefferson wrote: “It is New Orleans through 
which the produce of three-eights of our territory must pass to market. 

. . . The day that France takes possession of New Orleans fixes the 
sentence which is to restrain her forever within her low water mark. 
From that moment we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and 
nation.” He further urges the impossibility that France will ever be 
able to maintain permanent possession and that the French nation 
should from all natural reasons part with it to a nation which could 
use it to so great an advantage at the same time working no possible 
disadvantage to France. 

By a sudden whim, which often shaped his moves, Napoleon 


172 


MAKING A NATION 


resolved to sell the whole of Louisiana or nothing. Livingstone heard 
the resolution with joy and at once there ensued between France and 
our Envoy, haggling, trading, bargaining and juggling of prices and 
conditions resembling more the trades of Billingsgate fish mongers 
than great men concerned over the transfer of a vast empire. 

If Jefferson was correct in theory the United States Gov¬ 
ernment had no lawful power to make this purchase of foreign 
territory and most assuredly Livingstone nor Monroe had any in¬ 
struction covering the larger purchase. This had all transpired just 
prior to the arrival of Mr. Monroe on the scene of diplomatic dis¬ 
cussion. He gave assent—assisted in drafting the treaty of sale and 
was present and signed the papers with his colleague. Soon there¬ 
after Monroe’s friends began spreading the statement that he had 
been the one most influential in bringing to successful conclusion this 
very important negotiation. This was resented by Mr. Livingstone 
who, in explaining the affair to Madison, Secretary of State, said: 
“The first consul actually made me the very proposition we ultimately 
agreed to, before Mr. Monroe reached Paris. All that remained to 
negotiate after his arrival, was a diminution of price, and in this our 
joint mission was unfortunate.” He then proceeds to confess the very 
excellent talents of his associate, was willing to admit that had the 
opportunity been his that Mr. Monroe would have handled the matter 
quite skilfully, but he gives a very vigorous rebuke to those who 
sought to inflate Monroe’s fame at the expense of his own. Between 
the lines one can see that he was disgusted that Monroe did not come 
generously and promptly forth, telling the real truth and silencing 
his partisan admirers. 

The purchase was the hugest real estate transaction ever recorded 
and was fraught with consequences not in the vision of the con¬ 
tracting parties. Jefferson made rubber of the Constitution. Previous 
theories were ruthlessly swept away. Funds were found to meet 
every obligation and Louisiana became ours for all time to come. 

Napoleon throughout the weary days of negotiation acted in an 
entirely independent manner. His single word was absolute. His Min¬ 
isters were but puppets moved about according to the supreme and in- 


JAMES MONROE 


173 


disputable decree of the Dictator. He said that by his act he had given 
to England a maritime rival “that sooner or later would humble her 
pride.” He could not foresee that in 1922 the two English speaking 
nations in complete harmony would have paved the way for lasting 
peace among the sons of men. Now that the transaction was com¬ 
pleted he unbent and expressed in happy terms his hope for entirely 
amicable relations. Livingstone, in congrautlating Monroe, said 
fervently, “we have lived long, but this is the noblest work of our 
lives.” The Senate ratified the purchase and only those objected, whose 
zeal to party, outran their devotion to the nation. 

Monroe longed to return to America but Jefferson had further 
diplomatic missions for him. He was appointed to settle certain 
matters with Spain from which he was stopped by the open enmity 
of the Spanish authorities. Nothing daunted he proceeded to Eng¬ 
land to negotiate further commercial agreements covering our maritime 
and trade relations with Great Britain. Monroe was frigidly received 
in royal and official circles. His well known sympathy for France 
did not set well on John Bull’s palate. Jefferson might really have 
made a happier choice. But if there was one thing above all others 
that Jefferson enjoyed, it was that of giving a vigorous twist to the 
tail of the British lion. Monroe was reinforced by the arrival of 
William Pinkney, sent over to share Monroe’s honor and responsibil¬ 
ities. England’s navy was brutally active. Our ships wherever met 
were seized, our sailors either shot or imprisoned in foul dens or 
transported over seas; our cargoes appropriated or sent to the bottom 
of the ocean. Ports of trade were closed to us. The whole country 
descended rapidly from prosperity under Washington and Adams to 
great industrial and commercial depression under parts of Jefferson’s 
administration. Monroe and Pinkney, after years of coldness and 
rebuff finally signed a treaty as of December 31, 1806. Here again, 
however, Monroe signally failed as a Diplomat. The treaty con¬ 
tained no clause against “the right of search,” commonly known as 
impressment, so that England might still drive our ships from the 
High Seas. The Treaty was also silent concerning claims to in¬ 
demnities for losses which Americans had sustained by reason of the 


174 


MAKING A NATION 


unlawful seizure of ships and cargoes. When Jefferson read the 
treaty which so feebly expressed our real need^ intent and purpose he 
killed it. He did not even deem it safe to lay it before the Senate 
for ratification as he was required to do by the Constitution. He 
could not afford to confess that an appointee, prominent member of 
his own political party—one of the inner circle of Republicanism, 
had again failed to deliver the goods. Lord Holland, at a later time 
pictured the two Americans as they impressed him. “We found the 
two American commissioners fair, explicit, frank and intelligent. Mr. 
Monroe was a sincere Republican, who, during the Revolution in 
France, had imbibed a strong predilection for that country and no 
slight aversion to this. But he had candor and principle.” Monroe 
admitted, said Lord Holland, that the English monarchy was more 
republican than monarchial and that Republican France was more 
monarchial than the English. Continuing, he said: “He was plain 
in manners and somewhat slow in his apprehension.” “His colleague 
was a lawyer, had more of the forms and readiness of business, greater 
knowledge and cultivation of mind.” In a rather suppressed way 
Lord Holland describes the negotiations in a manner w^hich cannot 
fail to convince the wmrld that English statesmen beguiled our repre¬ 
sentatives into assenting to a treaty wdiich they must have known in 
advance would not be acceptable to their home government. In the 
latter part of 1807, Mr. Monroe returned to America. Again he 
indulged in his favorite pastime of pamphlet publication. He soon 
drew up an elaborate defence of his diplomatic conduct in England. 
Thus again he was put upon the torture bench of explanation. To 
use a slangy expression, once more was he given the opportunity of 
“passing the buck.” This w’as very bad at this time as the political 
“Warwicks” were already in the field, to create another president 
and Virginia w^as divided as between Monroe and Madison. Virginia 
still loyal, made Monroe Governor. The Nation chose Madison for 
President. 

MISSOURI COMPRISE 

The question of slavery, “like Bangnor’s ghost, wmuld not dowm.” 
Earlier cowardice on this subject was now jdelding its inevitable re- 


JAMES MONROE 


175 


suit. Opinion in the North and East was gradually solidifying, senti¬ 
ment and self interest had concentrated Southern resolve into making 
a final desperate struggle for the extension of the institution of slavery. 
The great crisis arose upon the application of Missouri for admission 
to the Union. The democrat-republican party led by John Randolph 
and the still active though small Federalist party led by Rufus King 
naturally clashed. Randolph battled to have Missouri admitted as a 
slave state and King plead for a denial of the right of slavery in the 
newly created state. Elenry Clay’s famous Missouri compromise bill 
was passed. Congress admitted Missouri as a slave state but dared not 
altogether press their advantage. The anti-slavery forces succeeded in 
incorporating in the bill the prohibition against slavery in public 
territory north of 36° 30'. Slavery gained only a partial victory. The 
North was encouraged to continue its fight, then only in its infancy. 
The excitement was intense. In all circles of the Capital little else 
was discussed. 

\ 

Jefferson said of the Compromise: “I considered it at once the 
knell of the Union. This is a reprieve only, not a final sentence. 
Justice is in one scale and self preservation in the other.” Further he 
writes: “An abstinence too from the act of power would remove the 
jealousy incited by the undertaking of Congress to regulate the con¬ 
dition of the different descriptions of men composing a state. This 
certainly is the exclusive right of every state which nothing in the 
Constitution has taken from them, and given to the general govern¬ 
ment.” Shortly before the adoption of the Missouri Compromise, 
Monroe in a private letter, declared it to be his fixed opinion: “I con¬ 
sider this as an atrocious attempt in certain leaders to grasp at power 
and being very artfully laid is more likely to succeed than any effort 
having the same object in view ever made before.” He was also 
convinced that the majority of states in physical force and eventually 
in votes in both houses, would be on the side of the non-slave holding 
states. 

It is worthy of note that at this time John Quincy Adams, Sec¬ 
retary of State, and John C. Calhoun, Secretary of War, in private 
discussed together this grave issue. No abler men than these ever 


176 


MAKING A NATION 


served their country. Both were wdse and had deep vision. To them 
were given an insight into the stupenduous future. With unerring 
judgment they stood appalled before the delayed but certain coming 
comflict. Monroe’s entire attitude is evidenced by technical quibbling. 
He did not discuss the great question in the light of that w’hich is 
right or wrong. He never considered the slave. That human being 
was classed merely as horse, cattle or real estate. He lost sight of the 
supreme battle our nation had fought for human liberty. He thought 
merely of the preservation of a political party, the domination of which 
was involved in protecting the slave owmers of the South. In this he 
was violently at W'ar with his patron saint Jefferson, who said that 
the refusal bravely to meet the issue was “the knell of the Union.” 
Still it is not fair to hold men to such strict account on this question 
for even so wise and loyal a citizen as John Quincy Adams supported 
the Compromise. Said he: “I have favored this Missouri Com¬ 
promise, believing it to be all that could be effected under the present 
Constitution and from extreme unwillingness to put the Union at 
hazard. But perhaps it would have been a wiser and bolder course 
to have persisted in the restriction on Missouri until it should have 
terminated in a Convention of the States to revise and amend the 
Constitution. This would have produced a new Union of 13 or 14 
States unpolluted with slavery with a great and glorious object— 
that of rallying to their standard, the other states, by the universal 
emancipation of their slaves. For the present, how^ever, this contest 
is laid asleep.” 

When we consider today the hundreds of millions devoted to 
internal Improvement, it seems incomprehensible that one hundred 
years ago there should have been such a desperate fight against the 
governmental power to agree upon such and make appropriations 
therefor. In 1822, Mr. Monroe vetoed the Cumberland road bill. 
This bill sought to provide for an interstate highway w’hich was of 
great general utility to the people of several states. In a very elaborate 
discussion of this issue. President Monroe concluded that Congress 
did not possess the right to adopt and execute internal improvements. 
He w’as doubtful if such right could be embraced in a constitutional 


JAMES MONROE 


177 


amendment. If such power did exist, it would greatly benefit the 
country as a whole. In his matured opinion, however, such improve¬ 
ments should be confined only to great national w^orks. All lesser 
projects he thought should be undertaken solely by the individual states. 
We now know that greedy politicians, hoping to gain local favor, by 
trades and bargains, have extracted national funds for purely local 
purposes, and millions have been expended to create harbors into which 
a canal boat could not be ventured without being stuck in the mud. In 
this struggle there was no divergence from the great Constitutional 
attitude always assumed by Mr. Monroe. He had always a terrific 
fear of centralized power. He had seen the ferocious and unbridled 
excesses of the masses in France and yet he felt that the people alone 
could be safely trusted with the actual work of government. He felt 
that no man or party (save his own) could control affairs without a 
strong tendency toward tyranny and oppression. When an objection 
arose, Mr. Monroe and his cohorts wrapped about their sacred forms 
the mantle of the Constitution. The Constitution must be strictly 
construed as against the national power to make internal improve¬ 
ments, but it was not sufficiently prohibitive to preclude Mr. Monroe 
from signing a treaty for the buying of Louisiana, and securing from 
Congress approval and the appropriation of a huge sum of money to 
hand over to Napoleon to be used to still further foist his despotism 
upon France, that same France whose bloody revolution so enchanted 
Monroe’s youthful enthusiasm. 

MONROE DOCTRINE 

Policies in national affairs are formulated either through some 
sudden and striking emergency or from the gradual development of 
public opinion. The Monroe doctrine which gave to President Monroe 
his highest claim to the affectionate memory of his countrymen, was 
the enunciation of a policy which expressed in concrete terms the 
gradual development of the public opinion of the United States. The 
Annual Message of December, 1823, in discussing Russia’s desire to 
settle in the northwest part of the American Continent, the President 


178 


MAKING A NATION 


said: “The occasion has been deemed proper for asserting as a principle 
in which the rights and interests of the United States are Involved, 
that the American continents, by the free and independent condition 
which they have assumed and maintained, are henceforth not to be 
considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers. 
. . . The political system of the allied powers is essentially different 
In this respect from that of Aunerlca. . . . We should consider 

any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of 
this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the ex¬ 
isting Colonies’ Independence of any European power, we have not 
Interfered and shall not interfere. But with the governments who 
have declared their independence and maintained it . . . we could 

not view any Interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or 
controlling in any other manner their destiny by any European power. 
In any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition 
toward the United States 

The President did not Indite this message on his sole responsibility. 
The matter had been fully discussed In cabinet meetings and the 
declaration In the message was fully approved by his official advisers. 
The time was appropriate. While this nation intended no offensive 
opposition to European policies. It was evident that we could not 
with serenity view the engraftment of Royal settlements In contiguous 
lands, nor feel It safe to be surrounded by peoples whose theory of 
government and law varied so vitally from our own. This unique 
policy startled the world. The United States had become respected 
and feared. There was no attempt to deny the righteousness of the 
doctrine, nor w^as there any effort made to set It aside. It assumed the 
weight of International law. 

The foremost founders of the Republic all felt the pressing neces¬ 
sity of complete Independence from the policies or politics of Europe. 
This was Illustrated in the gigantic struggle for neutrality that was 
waged through the administrations of Washington, John Adams and 
Jefferson. Monroe, In 1784, felt that Spain’s conduct regarding the 
Mississippi River was likely to embroil us in foreign troubles and 
deemed it a fit subject for the Immediate consideration of Congress. 


JAMES MONROE 


179 


Washington frequently expressed himself as happy in that our land 
was separated from the old world by a vast ocean. He always warned 
his countrymien against the evils of any connection politically with 
other nations. Jefferson, in 1785, writing to Monroe, said that it 
was to the interest of every American “to preserve, uninfected by 
contagion those peculiarities in our government and manner to which 
they are entitled for those blessings.” 

In 1788, Washington wrote to Jefferson, “An energetic general 
government must prevent the several states from involving themselves 
in the political dispute, of the European powers.” Washington, thus 
early realized the danger to be met from conflicting interests in the 
States concerning trade and industry and the vast confusion that 
would arise from state and not national control of this subject. He 
clearly saw in this a mixing-in in the troubles of foreign nations 
against which in his wisdom he desired to guard. In his farewell 
address, the draft of which had been submitted to many councillors 
in his Cabinet he said: “The great rule of conduct for us in regard 
to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations to have 
with them as little political connection as possible.” . . . “Europe 

has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote 
relations.” “Our detached and distant situation.” “Why forego 
the advantage of so peculiar a situation?” 

In the inaugural address of President John Adams he warns 
his countrymen against insidious foreign influences and in his second 
annual address to Congress, he makes this significant utterance: “I 
mean that spirit which has arisen in our country against the menaces 
and aggressions of foreign nations. A manly sense of national honor 
will enable us to view undismayed the enterprise of any 
foreign power.” 

In 1801, Jefferson wrote to Monnas Paini: “We shall avoid 
implicating ourselves with the powers of Europe, even in support 
of principles which we mean to pursue. They have so many other 
interests different from ours that we must avoid being entangled in 
them.” The same year he wrote to Wm. Short: “We have a perfect 
horror at everything like connecting ourselves with the politics of 


180 


MAKING A NATION 


Europe. ... It would indeed be advantageous to us to have 
neutral rights established on a broad ground, but to be entangled 
with them would be a much greater evil than a temporary acquiescence 
in the false principles which have prevailed.” In i8o8 he said '"the 
object must he to exclude all European influence in this hemisphere.'' 
This was fifteen years prior to Monroe’s official message to Congress, 
referring to this subject. 

During Monroe’s adminstration kindred matters claimed con¬ 
siderable attention. The nation was invited to participate in negotia¬ 
tions looking to peace between Spain and her revolting American 
Colonies. We officially informed England that we refused to take part 
in these peace efforts upon any basis other than the complete in¬ 
dependence of the Colonies. 

August 4, 1820, Jefferson again wrote to Short: “The day is 
not distant when we may formally require a meridian of partition 
through the ocean which separates the two hemispheres on the either 
side of wffiich no European gun shall ever be heard nor an American 
on the other. ... I hope no American patriot will ever lose sight 
of the essential policy of interdicting in the seas and territories of 
both Americas, the ferocious and sanguinary contests of Europe.” 

Gallatin from France, January 24, 1823, wrote to John Quincy 
Adams: “The United States would undoubtedly preserve their 

neutrality provided it were respected and avoid every interference 
with the politics of Europe. On the other hand, they would not suffer 
others to interfere against the emancipation of America.” 

John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, under Monroe, early 
in the Russian crisis in conversation with Baron Tuyl, the Russian 
Minister, told him that “we should contest the right of Russia to any 
territorial establishment on this continent and that we should assume 
distinctly the principle that the American continents are no longer 
subjects for any new European Colonial establishments.” 

Before placing his message before Congress, Monroe called on 
John Quincy Adams to draft or assist in drafting it. He also consulted 
Jefferson wffio advised him that “our first and fundamental maxim 
should be, never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our 


JAMES MONROE 


181 


second, never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs.” 
The new doctrine met with profound and general approval. In a 
few years, however, the policy was challenged. The discussion arose 
over the propriety of sending Commissioners to the Panama Con¬ 
gress. Congressmen objected to any course which would bind the 
United States to resist interference from Europe in the concerns of 
the Southern American governments. Others denied our pledge to 
maintain the intent to protect our neighboring nations from foreign 
power. Daniel Webster aligned himself in favor of the doctrine and 
made a speech in defence of Monroe’s policy. He regarded it as 
having formed a bright page in our national history. This far-reaching 
pronouncement affected all international law. It has stood like a 
wall of stone between our land and distant nations. It has been 
a bulwark against war. It has left us free, with few interruptions 
to work out a destiny not only tremendously fine for ourselves, but 
has conferred upon us the sublime power of serving all men. It was a 
bold and courageous stand for as young a nation as the United States 
to take. But it was right and it won a greater victory than all the 
battles waged by the peerless Napoleon. It saved the United States and 
threw around the South American republics, the mantle of our moral 
protection while they were struggling, through darkness and danger, 
to light and safety. 


CLOSING DAYS 

Republics really seem ungrateful. Washington was at times 
reviled. Jefferson died practically a pauper. He had sold his library 
and at times was on the verge of arrest for debt. John Adams was 
refused a second term and fled from the national capital at midnight 
in order that he might not have to face Jefferson who had defeated 
him for the Presidency. Alexander Hamilton, who died upon the 
field of honor, did not leave behind him any fortune after spending 
many years in public service. 

After half a century of devotion to the public, Monroe’s de¬ 
clining years were full of pecuniary troubles. He had accumulated 


182 


MAKING A NATION 


nothing. To get enough money to support himself, he was com¬ 
pelled to sell a small Virginia farm. For years he had a claim before 
Congress for money expended while serving diplomatically abroad, 
but he was unsuccessful. The nation never paid him but tardily after 
he died appropriated money to his heirs, failing to remember that one 
rose in life is of greater value than a ton of flowers upon a forgotten 
grave. 


FINALE 

Washington spoke of Monroe always up to the time of the latter’s 
recall in terms of highest praise. Even after that did not seek to 
humiliate the young diplomat. Thomas Jefferson said his character 
was without blemish. Madison deemed him very much underrated and 
claimed that he had made many sacrifices in the service of the country. 
John Quincy Adams said that Monroe was ruthless in the pursuit 
of right, patient, courteous, and sound in final judgment. Others set 
forth his purity of purpose in office. Benton said: “He had none of 
the mental qualities which dazzle and astonish mankind; but he had 
a discretion which seldom committed a mistake, an integrity that 
always looked to the public good. Several times, he seemed to mis¬ 
carry and to fall from the top to the bottom of the ladder, but always 
to reascend as high or higher than before.” “He had opposed the 
adoption of the Constitution until amendments were obtained but then 
he had become one of its firmest supporters and labored devotedly to 
administer it in all its purity.” 

Doubtless in other times Monroe would have been accounted a 
very great man. When he lived, his activities and achievements were 
necessarily compared to those of his contemporaries. It is very much 
to be doubted if in any country or any age there ever lived so many 
preeminently great and wise men as were developed by the Revolu¬ 
tion—and fifty years thereafter. Washington had greater prudence 
and firmer character; Jefferson possessed deeper learning and had far 
more original ideals; John Marshall had deeper wisdom and legal 
lore; Madison had shrewder logic and higher eloquence; Calhoun 


JAMES MONROE 


183 


and John Quincy Adams a greater vision. If Monroe saw the force 
and effect of slavery he did not realize its dire consequence nor guard 
his countrymen against the coming civil strife. Through life with 
brief interruption he maintained the affections and loyal support of 
Jefferson, Madison, and John Quincy Adams. No man could have 
thus succeeded, who did not possess virtues of a very lofty nature. 

His distinguishing trait, when in the valley of despair or upon 
the mountain top of achievement was his ardent devotion to America. 
As a boy he fought against the tyranny of Royal England. For 
America he battled for the unrestrained navigation rights of the 
Mississippi River. Ele played a noble part in the acquirement of all 
Louisiana for America. He, for American rights, brought on and 
practically conducted a second successful war against England and 
as a crowning glory, his was the voice that enunciated that simple, 
pure American policy through which we informed the Universe, that 
we had constituted ourselves the true guardian of popular liberty of 
North and South America. Such a career is an inspiration to every 
American. It proves that no man is finally whipped in life’s struggle 
until he himself admits defeat. He was fitted for high place by 
bitterness, struggle, humiliation and honor many times deferred. When 
at length when he reached the apex of distinction all narrowness, al] 
partisanship, all littleness fell away and he became a wise and patriotic 
ruler of a free people, serving his country with singular fidelity and 
devotion. 


( 




\ 


r 


{ 

0 





Alexander Hamilton 


F rom CONFUCIUS to Lincoln, real greatness has called forth 
the limitless hatred, scorn, and envy of smaller men. Those who 
could not climb the steep ladder, feebly and maliciously peck at 
them who have set their feet upon the mountain top. This malice has 
burned into the souls alike of those who have dared, those who have 
sacrificed and those who have served. But with a noble quality these 
men of vision have gone their chosen way undismayed, clean, con¬ 
fident, radiant with sublime inspiration for the good of their fellows. 
Often the goal was reached, unapplauded by their contemporaries 
but the truly great have been content to leave to posterity the rendition 
of a verdict upon the real worth of their lives and deeds. 

Confucius, Moses, Christ, Columbus, Washington, Hamilton, 
Lincoln, Harding, all were crucified upon the altar of popular mis¬ 
understanding, but their indescribable sufferings have been borne with 
sublime patience, nor did they swerve in the supreme pathway, 
visioned in their superhuman service to the plain people of the world. 

In our early struggle for liberty and independence no two men 
ever sacrificed, suffered, served or achieved more than did George 
Washington and Alexander Hamilton and no two men in all history 
were ever subjected to such vile slander, villification and abuse as 
these two unsullied American patriots. Many great causes have had 
betrayers. Early Christianity had Judas Iscariot; the Revolutionary 
War had Benedict Arnold and the early Republic had Aaron Burr. 
These were the rarely tragic but leprous spots in periods fraught 
with nameless heroic deeds of legions of noble men. The traitors 
earning only deathless shame. The causes they sought to pull down 
and the men carrying them onward illumining the hearts of the world 
for all time. 

American youth are taught much of ancient history. They 
should be taught much more of the history of their own country. 
No period before or since has been so rich in the production of 
supermen as the period of the Revolution and those years that in- 


186 


MAKING A NATION 


tervened between the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown and the 
election of our first President, George Washington. Among the 
men who played therein a most conspicuous part was Alexander 
Hamilton, soldier, statesman, lawyer, friend, good citizen, victim to 
the insatiable and unscrupulous ambitions of the most insidious foe 
to American constitutional government, Aaron Burr, who had neither 
private honor nor public virtue and whose lust for mere power lured 
him to depths of infamy and whose shameless deeds made his name 
one of cursed memory is his country’s history. 

In order to place a proper value upon the life and deeds of 
Hamilton, it may not be out of order to depict the events briefly 
which confronted him, when he made his entrance upon the scene of 
stirring action, and which engaged every hour of his great life until 
the bullet of the assassin sent him to the great beyond. 

Between 1585 when Sir Walter Raleigh first attempted to 
colonize the new world until 1732 when Oglethorpe settled Georgia, 
thirteen colonies began a thrilling existence. During this period the 
new settlements flourished. Their battle was with the rude soil 
and the primitive savage. In 1754 there began the first struggle of 
the colonies against the French who started armed conflict along the 
borders of Canada and along the Mississippi. In 1762 peace was 
declared. France ceded Canada to Great Britain and Spain exchanged 
Florida for Cuba. In 1765 the Parliament of England passed the 
Stamp Act which required all legal documents to be executed on 
stamped paper and gave to English stationers a monopoly through 
which a very unjust burden was placed on the business of the colonists. 

Virginia was first to object. This crisis called forth the genius 
and eloquence of Patrick Henry who said: “That every individual 
who, by speaking or acting should assert or maintain that any person 
or body of men, had any right to impose taxation there, should be 
deemed an enemy of his Majesty’s colony.” This was followed by a 
resolution of the Massachusetts Assembly calling for the holding of 
a Continental Congress. Nine states responded by the appointment of 
deputies. They met at the appointed time but little was done except 
to prepare and adopt a Declaration of Rights. 


ALEXANDER HAMILTON 


187 


So united and vigorous a protest was made to the Stamp Act 
as then formulated that in March, 1766, the Act was repealed. But 
other equally oppressive measures were adopted. Things went on at 
this pace, until 1770, when all objectionable laws were repealed ex¬ 
cept a very high duty on tea. This was done at the request of the 
East India Company which had a monopoly on this luxury. But the 
colonists would not use the tea through a well planned boycott, a cargo 
at Boston was seized by Americans disguised as Indians and thrown 
into the bay. England retaliated by closing the port of Boston. The 
Crown remodelled the charter df Massachusetts, took all powers from 
the people. In 1774, General Gage arrived at Boston with a large 
army, took possession and fortified the city. 

These acts of tyranny inflamed the people and aroused their 
patriotic courage. The thirteen colonies summoned a Congress. Fifty- 
four delegates appeared and took their seats. Fully resolved on 
defending their liberties this congress published a Declaration of 
Rights, an association to boycott British imports, sent a petition to 
the King, published an address to the people of England, one to the 
citizens of Canada and another to the inhabitants of the thirteen 
colonies. 

Even then Great Britain might have avoided the loss of the 
colonies by the use of moderation and some recognition of the right 
of the people to liberty and constitutional protection. But the brave 
stand of the Congress exasperated the throne and its unwise counsellors, 
and further repressive measures were put in operation. A law was 
passed forbidding the Southern and Middle Colonies from trading 
with Ireland or the West Indies. This added outrage, enraged 
the colonists even beyond control and solidified the whole citizenship 
of the country. The time for peaceful settlement had passed. Every 
colony made immediate preparation for armed conflict. The blood 
of patriots shed at Lexington, the first in the Revolutionary War, 
sealed the doom of England and bloody war was on in earnest. 
Fought by England to save vast territory and to whip the colonies 
into submission, and on the part of America for liberty and complete 
Independence. In 1776 Congress proclaimed the Declaration of In- 


188 


MAKING A NATION 


dependence, and George Washington was summoned to lead the 
American army in that vital struggle, the final result of which was 
to play so great a part in the struggle for universal human freedom. 

Alexander Hamilton was born on the Island of Nevis in British 
West India of a Scotch father and French mother. At twelve he 
went into a counting house to make his living as his father was poor 
and his mother dead. In 1772, a great and destructive tornado swept 
over the Island through which great havoc was wrought. This mere 
boy wrote so vivid an account of it that its publication enlisted the 
offer of aid toward an education with the result that he vv^as sent to 
New York. After grammar school he was sent to Princeton Uni¬ 
versity and later to Columbia College, New York City. He was a 
voracious student, acquired knowledge easily, possessed a keen mind, 
was most devout and led a life of probity. 

New York Colony and the rest of the colonies were in highest 
excitement. There were many bloody conflicts betw^een the citizens 
and the civil and military officers of the Crown. In 1774, a great 
meeting of the people was held in the surburban district of New 
York City. The question for discussion was the appointment of 
delegates to a congress to be called to consider the state of the country. 
The British ministry claimed the right to nominate these delegates 
and the people in general asserted that such delegates should be 
chosen by the people at large without interference on the part of the 
Crown or its officials. 

Hamilton was seventeen, small in stature, but filled with courage 
and inspired to highest achievement. He edged his way to the front 
of the platform and made speech on the side of the colonial position 
which it is said has rarely, if ever, been surpassed in the annals 
of popular eloquence. It gained for him the title of eloquent collegian. 

In those days newspapers were not the all powerful means for 
the spread of propaganda they have come to be in our own day and 
time. Public sentiment was moulded largely through the use of 
printed pamphlets. While the patriots greatly outnumbered the 
royalists, the Crown had its violent partisans. At this time in 1774 
many such pamphlets were circulated and among these were a num- 


ALEXANDER HAMILTON 


189 


ber written by the youthful Hamilton. An extract will give a clear 
idea of his force and reasoning: 

“Tell me not of British Commons, Lords, minister, ministerial 
tools, placemen, pensioners, parasites, I scorn to let my life and prop¬ 
erty depend upon the pleasure of any of them. Give me the steady, 
uniform, unshaken security of constitutional freedom, give me the 
right of trial by jury of my own neighbors to be taxed by my own 
representatives only. What will become of the laws and courts of 
justice without this? The shadow will remain, but take away liberty 
and the foundation is destroyed.” 

For two years his voice and pen did valiant service in stimulating 
native patriotism and in sending fear to those who still remained 
loyal to the Crown. He began to study military tactics and here as 
in all other arts he learned quickly and soon became ready to serve as 
a soldier. At nineteen he began his military career and attracting the 
attention of General Washington as early as 1777, he was appointed 
aide de camp and private secretary to the Commander in Chief of the 
American forces. This was the foundation of that lasting connection 
between these two men which with one immaterial interruption lasted 
all through their useful lives. Hamilton held Washington in supreme 
veneration and Washington recognized and used the splendid and 
intelligent loyalty and devotion of the j^ounger man in many of the 
most important operations of the war. Washington chose Hamilton’s 
pen to frame his messages to the army. Congress, and the people, even 
as Washington’s sword was his country’s safety and salvation. 

Notwithstanding Hamilton’s distinguished service in affairs of 
war, he yet saw that in the long struggle, that side would eventualy 
conquer, which could show the greater physical as well as financial 
endurance. So he turned his versatile mind toward providing ways 
and means to strengthen the finances of his warring people. In an 
anonymous communication to Robert Morris a distinguished financier 
and member of Congress from Philadelphia, an elaborate series of 
plans to strengthen national resources showed an amazing originality 
and miraculous ability. Among his suggestions were the establishment 
of a national American bank based on a foreign loan and individual 


190 


MAKING A NATION 


Stock subscriptions, a portion of which funds were to be loaned to 
the government. In this letter he not only offered a practical plan 
of finance, outlined in detail the technical procedure for the estab¬ 
lishment of bank, but he formulated its m.ethod of operation and rules 
for its conduct and supervision. All of these suggestions in due course 
of time were transmitted by Mr. Morris to Congress and secured 
final adoption with but little change. 

Whatever might have been the underlying motive, certain it is, 
that the arrival of the French fleet, the loan in cash from that nation, 
and the fighting infantry all working in complete harmony under 
George Washington the American Commander-in-Chief, turned sor¬ 
row into joy, gave heart to our despondent countrymen and sent 
despair to the King’s armies upon American soil. At the first inter¬ 
view, Washington’s American associates were Lafayette, McHenry 
and Alexander Hamilton. This was the time during which Benedict 
Arnold com.mitted his act of treason, fled and left the unfortunate 
and brave Andre to suffer humiliation and death. Herein, too, Hamil¬ 
ton filled with nameless pity, tried to find some honorable way to 
save Andre from execution. War’s stern necessity demanded the 
extreme penalty. British gold was at work everywhere, tempting 
the cupidity and disloyalty of the weak and avaricious, and our 
leaders did not dare permit the use of that mercy and pity, in the 
universal heart for the brave and gallant British officer. 

The dreamer has his place in the world but he who makes his 
dreams come true provides a service that may not be forgotten by 
posterity. Though the final issue was yet undertermined, though the 
struggle with Great Britain was still in a bitter and uncertain stage, 
Hamilton’s rich mind was engaged in planning for the national future. 
In a letter written to James Duane in 1780, three years prior to the 
surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown, Virginia, he discussed the history 
of the early republics, pointed out their strength and weaknesses, and 
sought to derive wisdom from their errors. He wrote clearly and 
wisely on taxation without restraint of liberty and at that com¬ 
paratively early period proved the necessity of a wise, strong, powerful 
Federal Union of the various colonies or states. 


I 


f 


I 

i 

1 





ALEXANDER HAMILTON 


191 


He was buoyant by nature and though he sensed present danger, 
he did not fully share the fear at that time which possessed the soul 
of Washington, who, writing to a political friend, said: alluding to 
a nefarious class which he calls, “various tribes of money makers, and 
stock jobbers of all denominations to continue the war for their own 
private gain, without considering that this avarice and thirst for 
gain, must plunge everything, including themselves, in one common 
ruin. It is a fact too notorious to be concealed, that Congress is rent 
by party, that much business of a trifling nature and personal con¬ 
cernment, withdraws their attention from matters of great national 
moment at this critical period; when it is also known that idleness and 
dissipation, takes the place of close attention and application.” 

So, too, in 1780 it was determined to send an envoy extra¬ 
ordinary to the Court of France for further loans and military and 
naval aid. Washington selected Hamilton for this delicate and im¬ 
portant service. Hamilton, however, gave way to the appointment 
of Col. Laurens whose father was then confind in an English prison. 
How completely full v/as his life at this time may be further indicated 
by the fact that in December, 1780, he married Elizabeth Schuyler, 
with whom he lived on terms of complete and harmonious endearment, 
until his eyes were closed with the passing of his great soul. 

After a slight estrangement between Washington and himself, 
he resigned as aide and secretary and applied for a separate command. 
The slowness v/ith which his application was treated irritated him 
but he did not sulk for as early as 1781 he was the author of a 
series of essays under the title of Contmentalistj which clearly fore¬ 
shadowed the creation of the Constitution of the United States set 
forth by him so ably in the Federalist. Said he: “There is something 
noble and magnificent in the perspective of a great and Federated 
Republic, closely linked, in the pursuit of a common interest, tranquil 
and prosperous at home, respectable abroad; there is something 
proportionately diminutive and contemptible in the prospect of a num¬ 
ber of petty states, with the appearance only of union, jarring, jealous 
and perverse, without any determined direction, fluctuating and un¬ 
happy at home, weak and insignificant by their dissensions in the eyes 
of other nations.” 


192 


MAKING A NATION 


Having at length secured a commission, Hamilton gave his 
whole soul to his soldierly duties and served with matchless courage, 
ability and distinction until peace was secured. War had not ended 
an hour too soon for the army was discontented and war weary. The 
finances of the country were in an absolutely depleted condition. And 
so Washington and Hamilton quietly and without ostentatious show 
glided from war to peace, Washington retiring to Mount Vernon 
and Hamilton to Albany and wife. 

He resolved to enter the legal profession and after a brief course 
of four months was admitted to practice and entered immediately 
upon an active legal career. In 1782, he was chosen to represent the 
State of New York as its Congressman. He was then twenty-five 
years of age. To recount in detail the achievements of this intel¬ 
lectual and political prodigy would require infinite space. His in¬ 
dustry was endless, his ability stupendous, his popularity unbounded, 
his patriotism inspiring. His recommendations as to finance were 
practical, his provision for the men who fought the war human and 
considerate, his attitude toward the several states just, but fearless 
in demanding fulfillment of their obligations toward national needs 
and requirements. Congress deliberated in secret. Hamilton fought 
for open sessions and utmost publicity. He took a prominent part 
in the negotiations for peace between America and England, himself 
preparing the instrument of final ratification. 

At this time he said “we have now happily concluded the great 
work of independence, but much remains to be done to reap the fruits 
of it. Every day proves the inefficiency of the present federation. The 
road to popularity in each state is to inspire jealousies of the power of 
Congress. It is to be hoped that when prejudice and folly have seen 
themselves out of breath, we may return to reason and correct our 
errors.” 

There was no act done, no word spoken by Hamilton in public 
or private which did not seek to influence the various states to confer 
upon the central government, the power and authority to create re¬ 
sources that would permit the fulfillment of every obligation at home 
and abroad. Never for an Instant did he waver in his effort to pro- 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON 


193 


mote justice to the men who bared their patriotic breasts to the 
bullets of the British foe, yet never did he truckle or seek their good 
will by encouraging their natural resentment and disappointment to 
generate into positive rebellion against constituted authority. He 
assisted in settling with equity and justice many grave conflicts between 
national and state authority. 

Realizing the utter weakness and impotency of the existing articles 
of Confederation, before Congress adjourned, he offered a set of res¬ 
olutions calling for a truly popular representative convention to con¬ 
sider a complete revision of the Federation. The resolutions were 
not adopted. It was deemed that the movement was not well timed. 
It was urged that the popular mind was not ripe for so radical a 
procedure. But the seed then sown bore fruit and this abandoned 
resolution was the first official suggestion which later culminated 
in that great conclave which so ably discussed and so wisely adopted 
the permanent Constitution of these United States. 

There are but few creatures of earth who cannot be made to 
fight over or for something. That of itself does not bespeak genuine 
courage. He who fights for country does a great thing, but even that 
does not denote courage in its highest aspect. He who espouses a 
cause he deems righteous, in the face of the frenzied opposition of his 
community, upon which he depends for support, maintainence and 
political favor, displays mental and spiritual courage unsurpassed. 

Already has it been set down that Alexander Hamilton formu¬ 
lated the documents of peace between America and Great Britain. 
In that instrument among other covenants it w^as laid down that the 
respective governments in all matters would be guided by the law 
of nations and that they would hold sacred all pre-war rights of 
property enjoyed by their respective citizens. Each colony contained 
numbers of royalists who secretly or openly favored the king. Some 
property owners became fugitives and fled, leaving property behind. 
Many, however, were non-active and did not sacrifice their title or 
interest of and to their holdings. 

In one particular case in New York an American seized land, 
the title to which lay in a non-resident citizen of Great Britain. Upon 


194 


MAKING A NATION 


the declaration of peace a suit was instituted by the Englishman for 
the recovery of his property. The state of New York attempted to 
pass a law, legalizing the seizure of property under such conditions. 
Hamilton was retained by the Englishman. Those who lived at that 
period give unstinted praise to the manner in which this new lawyer 
presented his case. In his inspired vision he looked far beyond this 
mere law suit, important though it was. He discussed international 
relations in general and appealed for good faith even with America’s 
late foes. He plead for wide justice and equity which being ex¬ 
ercised would gain for the new Republic the respect and confidence of 
nations. He proved that under the then existing articles of con¬ 
federation, it was the intent that its acts and such treaties as were 
made, became the supreme law of the land and that no colony could 
constitutionally adopt a law in conflict therewith. He won his case, 
but the Governor of New York, pandering to an inflamed populace, 
took every possible step to set it aside, had a new act passed by the 
Legislature of the state and that same body passed resolutions attack¬ 
ing the integrity of the courts and sought to so influence the minds of 
the people as to compel the courts to become subservient to the will 
of the law-making body. This, however, did not hinder the upward 
legal career of Hamilton, for he and his arch enemy, Aaron Burr, 
became the two most prominent lawyers of New York, ever in con¬ 
flict and ever clashing professionally, morally and socially. 

This case aroused deep animosity of some against Hamilton. 
He issued a series of pamphlets in defense of his position. Others 
answered. In one of the clubs where the case was considered a 
resolution was offered that each member fight a duel with Hamilton 
until he should finally be killed on the field of so-called honor. The 
plan, however, was abandoned. 

At this time, too, nearly seventy-five years before African slavery 
was abolished, there was some slight indication of the vital struggle 
which later was to be waged on this fundamental problem. Hamilton’s 
mind was analytical. He collated his facts, made an open, unafraid, 
clear analysis. On one side he placed that which to him seemed right, 
on the other, that which seemed wrong. He selected his course ever 





ALEXANDER HAMILTON 


195 


for the right and battled unswerved to the end. He could not see 
how slavery could be right. He thought the institution affirmatively 
wrong and evil. If it were permitted, the Declaration of Independence 
w'as a living, livid lie. He never owned a slave. He even went so 
far as to purchase the freedom of a slave who worked for him but 
who was the property of another. 

He joined a society, the object of which was to promote abolition. 
He offered a resolution therein that its members prove good faith, 
by then and there setting free such black slaves as were owned by 
individual members. His proposition was not received with favor and 
from that time on he took little interest in the 'organization. He 
was no trimmer. He could not compromise with conscience. He 
would not bend the knee, or sully a scruple for votes. Right, justice, 
humanity, an immeasurable adoration for liberty and freedom, com¬ 
bined with keen practical judgment combined to make him a useful 
citizen, and whatever stand he took or service he rendered made 
him conspicuous among the great men of the hour. 

Often in the minority, he put such virtuous vigor in his battle that 
he pulled down the high, the mighty, the powerful and wmn a reluctant 
people to his point of view. He helped recreate the financial stability 
of the State of New York and one of his most important services lay 
in gradually leading public opinion to support the idea of a strong 
federated union of all the states. He early penetrated the political 
corruption and hypocrisy of Aaron Burr, regarded him as a dan¬ 
gerous, designing foe, and history proves that Hamilton was just in 
his opinion of this man. 

Hamilton was a delegate to the Annapolis Convention of 1786. 
But four states out of thirteen were represented. This was a purely 
commercial gathering, but here again this useful citizen urged the 
pressing necessity for a completely attended convention to be called 
for the adoption of plans of a more complete union of all the states. 
He suggested the second Monday of May, 1787, at Philadelphia. 
Again the matter was delayed. We next find Hamilton elected to the 
State Legislature of New York. Here he clashed with Governor 
Clinton, who, for ten years had been powerfully intrenched through 
playing upon the state rights jealousies of the populace. 


MAKING A NATION 


lOG 


From 1783 to 1787 the new and loosely organized federation was 
often in grave peril. The state governments were weak, were often in 
open conflict, soldiers were aggrieved and dissatisfied, state and national 
finances were in confused and inefficient condition. The central gov¬ 
ernment had neither power nor cohesion. Its decisions and plans 
were often frustrated. Foreign nations quickly saw our peril and our 
weakness. France sought to embroil us with England. The English 
Government refused West India the right to trade with America, 
while mad pirates preyed upon our ships and murdered our sailors. 
Spain refused us the navigation of the Mississippi. Conflict of in¬ 
terest destroyed mutual confidences between citizen and citizen and 
the moral tone of the country was sapped by greed and selfishness. 

Finally Flamilton’s great dream came true. Delegates from 
every state in the colonies, except Rhode Island, met at Philadelphia 
on May 25, 1787, deliberated upon the adoption of a Constitution 
until September 17, 1787. Washington was chosen president. The 
body deliberated behind closed doors. Hamilton was one of a com¬ 
mittee of three, to report out the plan for the future government 
of America. Two widely difierlng parties developed, one lead by 
Hamilton, favoring a strong, centralized union, with clean and well 
defined powers, the other lead by James Monroe of Virginia, inclining 
to a more comprehensive recognition of the sovereign right of the 
states. Out of all the turmoil partisanship and on June 18, finally 
was evolved by the great Constitution which, together with amend¬ 
ments adopted, has been and always will be the Supreme Law of 
our land. Thomas Jefferson, author of the Declaration of Inde¬ 
pendence, was not entirely satisfied though he wrote, “that he 
had read and contemplated its provisions with great satisfaction.” 
So stalwart a republican was Jefferson that he was unduly suspicious 
that all who favored a delegation of supreme power to the central 
government, cloaked monarchial designs with the eventual ambition to 
steal away the liberties of the people. Hamilton was the only delegate 
from New York who signed the original constitution when it was 
finally adopted. It was finally approved by all the states and became 
operative March, 1789. 


ALEXANDER HAMILTON 


197 


Some time necessarily elapsed, through the slow machinery by 
which individual state ratification was secured, before the new con¬ 
stitution could function. The nation with one voice issued its 
mandate and Washington at the head of the government, summoned 
his cabinet for service. Among this first official Presidential family 
were Jefferson, Secretary of State and Hamilton with the Treasury 
portfolio. Jefferson, having long represented America in France had 
become saturated with the spirit of the unbridled revolution which 
culminated in the bloody reign of terror. He was fanatical in his 
devotion to unrestrained popular rule. With him the great body of 
the people could do no wrong. Flamllton was equally jealous of 
popular rights, but he believed that the people in a free and un¬ 
trammelled manner should select able representatives and delegate to 
their chosen officials the making, execution and interpretation of the 
laws so enacted. On every great question which arose, these two 
men differed vitally and fundamentally. On one thing alone they 
agreed—their admiration of and unbounded faith in‘the President. 
Mr. Hamilton addressed him.self with signal ability and industry to 
the establishment of the national credit. One of his pet projects was 
the establishment of the Bank of the United States. This aroused the 
hostility of Jefferson, who maintained that it was contrary to the 
Constitution and transcended the powers granted to the United States. 
The President accepted the Hamiltonian view and it prevailed. The 
establishment of the bank was followed by almost instantaneous suc¬ 
cess. Commerce developed, business between states became stabilized, 
the value of public debt securities rose to par, national revenues were 
systematically raised and conserved. Though the project was of 
measureless value to the country, the bank was violently opposed by 
many. Hamilton was excoriated as the tool of the monied classes. 
They dared not then charge him with personal corruption for his 
life was an open book. He was poor and lived simply. His friends 
adored him. His enemies reviled him. 

In 1792, one Giles insinuated, that of treasury funds there was 
a large balance not properly accounted for. Hamilton reported so 
fully and completely that his enemies were confounded. They then 


198 


MAKING A NATION 


proceeded on other lines in their attacks upon the wisdom and in¬ 
tegrity of the Secretary of the Treasury. Nothing could shake Wash¬ 
ington’s unbounded faith in Hamilton and he served again as a mem¬ 
ber of the Cabinet during Washington’s second presidential term. 
He gave to his duties the same faithful service which had always 
distinguished him. 

Hamilton’s life and service to his country could not be even 
imperfectly told, without adverting to his contributions to the Fed¬ 
eralist. Even after the Constitution had been adopted and the new 
government instituted under it, there was great conflict of public 
opinion. The publications began in 1787 and did not entirely con¬ 
clude until 1788. The Federalist was a series of essays discussing 
in general, constitutional government and the necessity for the adop¬ 
tion of such fundamental system as would secure the largest measure 
of liberty, consistent with the supreme power necessary to shape direct 
and control the destiny of a great nation. He' writes that he will 
discuss: 

1. The insufficiency of the Confederation to preserve the union. 

2. The utility of the new Constitution to preserve that union. 

3. The necessity of a central government strong enough to pre¬ 
serve that union. 

4. Its conformity with general principles of Republican gov¬ 
ernment. 

5. Its close analogy to the several state Constitutions. 

6. Its added security to union, liberty and popular prosperity. 

This limited time or space does not permit in detail a relation of 
the mighty value of The Federalist to the cause of Constitutional 
Republicanism. His facile mind was a store house of infinite knowl¬ 
edge. He delves into the history of the early republics, their virtues 
and their feelings and strives for guidance that his country may avoid 
the errors wffiich gave rise to tyranny over the liberties of the ancient 
democracies. Again he said: 

“The science of politics, however, has received great improve¬ 
ment. The efficacy of various principles is now well understood 
which wxre imperfectly known to the ancients. The regulation dis- 


ALEXANDER HAMILTON 


199 


tributing of power into distinct departments; the entering of legis¬ 
lative balances and checks; the institution of court with judges holding 
office during good behavior; the representation of the people in the 
legislature by deputies by their own election; these are wholly new 
disclosures or have made their principle progress toward perfection in 
modern times.” 

Much scorn was evidenced against the proposal to confer on 
Congress the power to make treaties. On this, Hamilton said: 

“This has been held up to the people in exaggerated colors of 
misrepresentation; as the pernicious enginry by which their local 
government were to be destroyed and their liberties exterminated; as 
the hideous monster whose devouring jaws would spare neither sex nor 
age nor high nor low nor sacred or profane, and yet strange as it 
may appear after all this clamor, to those who may not have happened 
to contemplate them in the same light, it may be asserted with perfect 
confidence that the constitutional operation of the intended govern¬ 
ment will be precisely the same if these clauses were entirely ob¬ 
literated as if they were repeated in every article. They are only 
declarations of the truth which would have resulted by necessary and 
unavoidable implication from the very act of the Constitution, a 
Federal Government, and vesting it with certain specified powers. 
This is so clear a proposition that moderation itself can scarcely listen 
to the ravings which have been so copiously vented against this part 
of the plan, without emotions that disturb its equanimity.” 

This great work served not alone that hour of almost tragic 
crisis, but it guides the world and will have weight with every body 
of men struggling to make rulership safe, sane and conservatively 
interpretive of the popular will in free states. 

In Parton’s book on Aaron Burr, published in 1857, he devotes 
considerable space to insidious propaganda against Hamilton and 
likewise expends much effort to soften and minimize the infamy of 
Burr. He and a host of others have charged that Hamilton, foreign 
born, had no sympathy with and no love for his adopted country, that 
he was not really favorable to a republic based on constitutional liberty, 
and that his eventual ambition was the establishment of a monarchy 


200 


MAKING A NATION 


with an hereditary king. The President of a political club who 
publicly repeated this slander was challenged by Philip Hamilton. The 
lad was killed in his attempt to vindicate his father’s honor. But 
Parton does admit that during the first twelve years of the Republic’s 
life, that Hamilton was the real, unquestioned ruler of the land. 
“For four years as Secretary of the Treasury he devised the great 
measures, for four years as Washington’s advisor and word furnisher, 
as popular essayist and party intriguer he supported the system he 
himself had created; for four years his was the mind to which Mr. 
Adams’ ministers looked for suggestion and advice. Candid John 
Adams, when all was over, declared that during his presidenc)^, 
Hamilton was Commander-in-Chief of the House of Representatives, 
of the Senate, of the heads of department, of General Washington 
and last and least if you will of the President of the United States— 
in each capacity unrivaled.” 

In January, 1795, Hamilton concluded to retire from public 
office, not, how^ever, before he had submitted valuable suggestive and 
constructive reports on finance, tariff and manufactures. He was 
constrained to this step by his poverty and the pressing need to pro¬ 
vide some measure of dependable estate for his family. He was 
not permitted long to continue at private professional labors. During 
the second administration of Washington, France appointed Genet as 
its minister to this country. He landed at Charleston, South Carolina, 
and immediately proceeded to outfit privateers to prey upon Eng¬ 
lish commerce. Notwithstanding our protest upon grounds of in¬ 
ternational law and our treaty with England, there was many who 
favored the dangerous policy of the Frenchman. 

Many urged that in gratitude to France we should boldly unite 
with that nation in open warfare upon Great Britain. Calmly, 
fortified by exhaustive legal opinion of Hamilton, Washington refused 
to be lured by sophistry or public clamor from the path of right. So 
strong was party feeling concerning Genet that it is reported that ten 
thousand enraged citizens gathered and threatened to tear Wash¬ 
ington out of his official residence. In this tragic crisis, Hamilton’s 
services were again invaluable and the final result was a demand 


ALEXANDER HAMILTON 


201 


for the recall of Genet. Before it was granted, however, Genet had 
the unparalled audacity of threatening to appeal directly to the people 
over the heads of the Constituted officials of the nation! 

As fascinatingly interesting as it would be, it is not permitted 
herein that we may discuss the various political actions of the next 
few years that continually brought Burr and Hamilton in con¬ 
flict. In the halls of justice they practiced their profession, some¬ 
times associated together for their many clients, more often opposed, 
their apparent personal and social relations cordial. There are three 
classes of lawyers, the first warmly attached to their honorable calling 
and seeking solely to aid justice; the second those who place devotion 
to the interests of their particular client above all other considerations; 
the third, a selfish kind who seek gold, who are guided by no moral 
idea and who will permit no scruple to hamper victory upon any 
cause, right or wrong. At this period Hamilton was of the first class 
and Burr, the second. After his treason, exile and secret return to 
his native land. Burr wallowed in the slimy mire of the third class. 

Through conniving, scheming politics Burr had won a devious 
way into political prominence to such an extent that in 1800 both he 
and Thomas Jefferson, as candidates of the Republican party, each 
had seventy-three votes for the Presidency of the United States. The 
corruption of Tammany Hall pales into utter insignificance when 
compared to the intrigues of that day and time. Hamilton at this period 
was consulted regarding a plan for throwing Federal party strength 
to Burr as against Jefferson, whom it was feared would drive the 
nation into too deep a sympathy for and imitation of the policies of 
the French revolution. With keen discernment and prophetic eye 
on December 17, 1800, Hamilton wrote of Burr: 

“Let it not be imagined that Mr. Burr can be won to the Fed¬ 
eral views. It is a vain hope. Stronger ties and stronger induce¬ 
ments than they can offer will impel him in a different direction. His 
ambition will not be content with those objects which virtuous men 
of either party will allot to it, and his situation and his habits will 
oblige him to have recourse to corrupt expedients from which he will 
be restrained by no moral scruple. To accomplish his end he must 


202 


MAKING A NATION 


lean upon unprincipled men and will continue to adhere to the hosts 
who have hitherto surrounded him. To those he will no doubt add 
able rogues of the Federal party, but he will employ the rogues of 
all parties to overrule the good men of all parties and to prosecute 
projects which wise men of every description will disapprove. These 
things are to be inferred with moral certainty from the character of 
the man. Every step in his career proves that he has formed himself 
upon the model of Cattaline, and that he is too cold blooded and too 
determined a conspirator, ever to change his plan.” 

Hamilton was ceaseless in his battle to prevent the election of 
Aaron Burr as President. It became a passion with him. His letters 
to members of the House of Representatives, the body which would 
make the final decision, were careful, logical, forceful but always 
bitter. They appeared at that time abnormally partisan. But they 
were justified. He, better than all his contemporaries, knew the man. 
Jefferson had always opposed Hamilton, but the latter fought for 
Jefferson because he deemed him less dangerous to the country than 
Burr. Had Burr ruled it is at least a matter of reasonable specula¬ 
tion, that the Republic may not have survived. 

In the summer of 1804, Hamilton, by defeating Aaron Burr’s 
ambitions to secure the Governorship of New York, had more greatly 
than ever, inflamed the bitter hatred of his foe. Burr’s dark, slimy 
shadow hung more desperately than ever about the form of his intended 
victim. Dr. Charles D. Cooper in a signed pamphlet, among other 
things, wrote: “I could detail to you a still more despicable opinion 
which General Hamilton has expressed of Mr. Burr.” This declara¬ 
tion of a third party was seized upon as the pretext upon which Burr 
might engage in mortal combat with Hamilton. His murderous 
heart did not seek vengeance upon Dr. Cooper. That was not in 
his design. Alexander Hamilton obstructed his pathway to the highest 
gift of the nation. He had latterly robbed him of the Governorship 
of New York. In Hamilton’s implacable enmity he heard the death 
knell of every political aspiration. So he decreed his death. 
Hamilton had looked on death many times and he was no coward. He 
had no personal fear of death, but he was opposed to the duel. He 


ALEXANDER HAMILTON 


203 


did not want to fight. He did all that any honorable man might do 
to avoid this personal conflict. He pointed out the glaring inconsisten¬ 
cies in Burr’s demands, but Burr was inexorable. The death of his 
foe alone w^ould satisfy his lust for vengeance. Hamilton feared the 
loss of public influence, if in the then state of public opinion, he refused 
this barbarous satisfaction to his enemy. He finally agreed to meet 
Burr upon the so-called field of honor. 

Hamilton’s letter written just prior to the encounter proves that 
he knew he w^as destined to die, for therein he sets forth his calm 
determination not to fire at his opponent. So was he dragged to the 
sacrificial altar to satisfy the lust of the national Judas, before whose 
evil designs the victim had placed the barriers of patriotic and civic 
duty. 

It is not for us to claim that Hamilton was free from the frail¬ 
ties and w^eaknesses common to human kind. Their possession made 
him intensely human. Time, how’ever, will not wipe out the col- 
lossal service w’hich he rendered his adopted countr}^ Slander, parti¬ 
san falsehood, unscrupulous enemies, by every method known to mid¬ 
night character assassination, sought to pull him down when living 
and participating in the stirring action of his generation, or have tried 
to sully his memory, but he unselfishly constructed too securely and no 
man or party of men can bring about the crumbling of his monument 
erected in the hearts of people. 

Of the many great services rendered by him none remain so 
conspicuously splendid as his constructive activities concerning the 
Constitution of the United States. It is not remarkable that in a 
political project so new and untried that its value should have had so 
wide support and its alleged defects so strenuous opposition. Its 
eternal value was not determined until Abraham Lincoln lead the 
nation to the salvation of the union, and though that appeal from bal¬ 
lot to bullet was fraught wfith precious blood, our nation has concluded 
that the cost was not too great. Guarded by that constitution w^e have 
enlarged our territory, educated our people, developed our industries, 
extended our commerce, and won the esteem of all nations. Under 
that constitution we have promoted the cause of popular government 
to the four corners of the globe. 


204 


MAKING A NATION 


Time, circumstance, the dire necessity to oppose mad dreams 
of autocracy with the freedom of plain people, has forced us nation¬ 
ally out of a provincial isolation into the moral leadership of mankind, 
and in all time to come we dare not repudiate a single duty or obliga¬ 
tion incident thereto. At one time Alexander Hamilton feared failure 
for popular government under Constitutional limitations. Could he 
but be given the power to look out upon the horizon of the world’s 
aspirations today, he would be content. He would know that his 
great life had not been in vain. 


Aaron Burr 


G eorge Washington was the Master Military mind of 
the American Revolution, Thomas Jefferson its Voice, Alex¬ 
ander Hamilton its Constitutional Brain, Robert Morris its 
Banker, and Aaron Burr its Enigma and Evil Genius. Washington 
commanded in the war that wrested the Colonies from the possession 
of the King. Thomas Jefferson stood between the common people 
and the aristocratic few^ Hamilton strode like a Hercules, for that 
strong unbridled governmental power, he deemed so necessary to 
national development at the early birth of the Republic. Robert 
Morris created gold and credit out of chaos and debt. By one mad, 
treasonable stroke, Aaron Burr undertook to render vain, all military 
sacrifice, all popular self rule, all constitutional guarantees, all finam 
cial stability. To satisfy a ruthless ambition, an ungovernable lust 
of power, he stood ready to tear dowm the fabric he had bravely fought 
to rear, and to deliver the death blow to Freedom, Liberty, and 
Popular Government. 

Thrice he gambled for high stakes. The turn of a card might 
have made him President of the United States or Governor of New 
York or the Dictator of an Empire. He might have made a good 
President. When he ran for Governor of New York unbridled ambi¬ 
tion had already seized him and he might have used his powder to 
destroy the Union. Had his tragic South-w^estern expedition suc¬ 
ceeded, he wmuld doubtless have become a lazy, indolent, benevolent 
tyrant, surrounded by a corrupt vivacious court, which would have 
flourished for a brief span, and finally gone down in spectacular ruin. 
A career such as Burr’s, can never again have place in our land. 

From 1756 (February 6th) when the Rev. Aaron Burr, Presi¬ 
dent of Princeton University, w’’elcomed his new son, to September 
4th, 1836, wTen another minister closed the eyes of that son in death, 
there had been enacted upon the stage of the wmrld, the most marvel¬ 
ous drama of history. In that drama w^ere many actors. Among those 
who played great parts was Aaron Burr. During those four score 


206 


MAKING A NATION 


years, revolutions had flourished and reddened the earth with blood. 
Kings had arisen and had been dethroned. New nations had been 
erected. Political science had developed the idea of popular rule. Our 
own nation had expanded until it had gathered in its territory the 
very land which Burr sought to seize. American youth dare not shun 
Burr’s record if but to emulate the many gentle virtues he possessed, 
and to avoid the vices which marred him and made him the Evil 
Genius of the Revolution. He was well horn, a deep student, a brave 
soldier, a good lawyer, an excellent legislator, but on the other hand 
his youth was licentious. He drank deeply, gambled desperately, 
loved many w^omen, was a corrupt politician. Disappointed ambition 
turned him traitor. The curses of his countrymen drove him to exile, 
hated obscurity and to him, worst of all, oblivion. 

Burr was not handicapped by his ancestry. Had the power been 
his to choose, he could not have selected better. An extract from the 
diary of his mother gives her description of him at the age of thirteen 
months: January 31, 1758—“Aaron is a little dirty, noisy boy, very 
different from Sallie in almost everything. He begins to talk a little, 
is very sly and mischievous. He has more sprightliness than Sallie 
and must say he is handsome but not so good tempered. He is very 
resolute and requires a good governor to bring him to terms.” 

It is said that a plaster cast of his head, made upon his death, 
was submitted to a scientific phrenologist. I herewith submit extracts 
from a detailed diagnosis based on what that organ revealed and 
entirely independent of historic data of the man’s life: “He was small 
of size, but well proportioned. The brain was large for the body. 
The perceptive organs were prominent. He had a wonderful memory, 
a decided faculty of wit, reasoning power excellent, but inferior to 
perceptions. His language large. He could tell what he knew and 
thus he had power over others. His eyes were large and expressive, 
executive faculties strong, secretiveness large, power of concealment, 
adroitness, cunning and duplicity gave him control of others. Acquisi¬ 
tiveness small, making him generous in giving, moral brain both 
si rong and weak, head contracted at top, firmness large, giving him 
31 rong determination to push forward his desires and overcome oppo- 


AARON BURR 


207 


sition from others. Spiritually weak, leaving him regardless of religion 
or faith. His hope large, making his nature optimistic and confident 
of success. Consciousness moderate, not strong enough to overbalance 
impulse of evil or dishonesty. Large self esteem, self importance. 
Large continuity, enabling him to apply his mind to one subject. 
Fickle in love and friendships, amativeness large and sharply developed, 
strong relationship between mind and women, love passion inordinate, 
not vulgar or gross, with the exception of the excess of this faculty 
and that of destructiveness and a weakness of conscience and cautious¬ 
ness this organ was comparatively unexceptionable and but for these 
defects, he might have been one of the most brilliant characters that 
ever figured in the pages of American history. Seldom do we find 
so much executiveness, ambition, manliness, strength of purpose, intui¬ 
tion of mind, natural eloquence, polite address and ability to com¬ 
pletely magnetize and cultivate others as his organism indicates.” 
Thus with this sharp outline of Burr’s qualities revealed by his mother 
in the boy’s infancy and charted by science after his death, we have 
some indication of the fascination to be found in the study of that 
strange, mysterious, enigmatic life. 

Burr’s early youth did not diff^er much from that of other boys, 
except a greater environment of piety and Puritanical narrowness. 
He tried to break into Princeton at age of 11; did get through at 
17 and began his active manhood when British tyranny had goaded 
the Colonies to desperate resistance. Upon the shedding of patriot 
blood, legions flocked to the revolutionary standard; some, because 
they feared to be out of vogue; some, for the sake of thrill and ad¬ 
venture only, the vast majority because they were irresistibly swept 
to battle in the righteous conflict against tyranny and oppression. 
Timid half royalists, irresponsible nomads, merchant princes, youth 
of the aristocrats, cut-throats from over the seven seas mingled, 
touched elbows in that m.otley, unkempt, ununiformed, poorly fed, 
gunless aggregation of men, over whom Washington was ironically 
made commander-in-chief. It was not an army. It was only an 
undisciplined rabble. More than that, there was not a soldier in 
those first days who did not fear that mayhap the very man who 
slept next to him, might be a paid spy of the king. 


208 


MAKING A NATION 


Against the direct refusal of his guardian, Burr entered military 
service, having devoted much time to the study of the science of war. 
Very early in his career as a soldier he attracted the attention of 
General Washington, who gave him a place in his owm household. 
Burr returned scant gratitude for this. He had very wide ambitions 
for himself and a ver)^ poor opinion of Washington. It was held 
by those who envied the commander-in-chief that he was not well 
educated, lacked scientific knowledge and was utterly unfitted to 
cope with the trained officers of the crowm and that the reason 
Washington w’as the right man in the right place was solely “That 
he was a great Virgininia gentleman, who had vast plantations, 
hundreds of slaves, a fine mansion and rode about in a chariot and 
six.” Even John Adams opinioned that “one of the finest fortunes 
in America” was a good reason for Washington’s selection, as it 
proved how much he was willing to risk in casting his fortunes with 
the Revolution. 

Washington did not trust Burr. Thus the latter got little of 
what was transpiring on the inside. This chafed and irritated his 
restless spirit. He had no conception of Washington’s real labors 
at that period. The commandcr-in-chicf conducted a heavy cor¬ 
respondence with influential men in all parts of the thirteen colonies. 
Knowing the emptiness of the trcasur}', he was continually devising 
ways and means to transport, feed and equip his armies. He drew 
every plan, instructed every move and superintended every operation 
in the field, oftentimes planning eight and ten moves ahead in depend¬ 
ent and consecutive operations. Knowing Royalist strength and 
power, his great mind was at all times guarding against treachery 
without and within. Beneath his quiet, placid exterior Washington 
w^as anxious, ambitious, burning to make good. He knew that among 
his own officers were men seeking to pull him down, to undermine his 
standing with Congress. He knew, too, some of his men had been 
bribed to kidnap him. But above and beyond all Washington’s big 
heart bled, because he saw his men suffer, starve and die, while 
Congress quibbled with the perversity of cackling politicians. 

Under such a world of cares, it is probably quite true that he did 


AARON BURR 


209 


not withdraw himself a few days, from active work to explain his 
motives to Burr and entertain him in the gushing festivities of head¬ 
quarters. There is no doubt but that Burr was filled with the 
enthusiasm of youth. There was nothing at this time vitally wrong 
with Burr’s impatience. That he could not penetrate the profound 
depth of his chief was not sinful. 

Once Washington ordered a soldier to carry certain secret 
maps and instructions by a certain route. The messenger protested. 
He claimed that pass was intensively guarded and that if he pro¬ 
ceeded over that roadway he was certain to be captured. Wash¬ 
ington curtly said: “Your duty, young man, is not to talk but to 
obey.” The soldier obeyed orders, was made a prisoner and all his 
secret despatches captured and paraded in a vaunting manner in the 
daily royalist newspapers of New York City. That was what 
Washington planned. The despatches had been prepared exclusively 
for Royalist military consumption and served not only to conceal 
Washington’s real purpose but to divert the British mind from the 
true objective. Thus Washington did not have the physical time to 
cultivate the good will of this highly inflated and self-important 
Princetonian, this college graduate, this embr5^onic military genius, 
this puny tin soldier, Aaron Burr, who sighed to lead armies on the 
gory field of battle. 

Burr’s restless appetite for service, however, always rose to the 
surface. He had been tested. His daring, his coolness under fire, 
his executive ability finally got him practical command of a regiment. 
His appointment was as Lieutenant Colonel in the regiment of Colonel 
Malcolm, a rich New York merchant. Colonel Malcolm, who 
looked only for glory without service, rather sighed for the luxuries 
of the city and hankered after the fleshpots of Egypt. Burr wanted 
no higher wwk than to do the actual commanding. He quickly 
proved his fitness. He performed his task with ardor and signal 
ability. He established system and order. He saw officers, utterly 
incompetent, holding their commands, through social connection or 
political pull. He ordered them home, put real soldiers in their places, 
and was sustained by his superior officer. By these methods, tw^o 


210 


MAKING A NATION 


short months sufficed to prepare a real regiment of well knit, efficient, 
fighting men. He rendered conspicuous service, so that in November, 
1777, he joined the main army near Philadelphia and that year 
wintered at Valley Forge. Here he was given work of the highest 
importance and he acquitted himself with honor. But he never 
quite could see the merit of his chieftain and on one occasion, came 
near refusing to obey a direct order on the field. He took sides 
with Lee in that general’s controversy with Washington though 
even after that sad affair. Burr was given honorable duties to per¬ 
form by his commander-in-chief. Justice compels the admission that 
Burr honorably and ably performed his soldierly duties. His health 
was so impaired that on March 10, 1779, he resigned his commis¬ 
sion. In accepting the resignation General Washington wrote to 
him “that he not only regretted the loss of a good officer, but the 
cause which made his resignation necessary.” Sick as he was, he 
responded to pressing calls for specific bits of important service, all 
perilous, and all accomplished with brilliant success in the face of 
extreme danger. 

When Benedict Arnold, upon discovery, fled from the scene of 
his unspeakable crime, his wife, by a well-rehearsed bit of consummate 
acting imposed on Hamilton and through him Washington, the idea 
of her freedom from participation in her husband’s plot. Burr was 
thrown in a position of being able to discover the truth. The fact 
was Mrs. Arnold was deep in the conspiracy. It was her extravagance 
and disappointments socially, that probably incited her husband to his 
treasonable course. 

Aaron Burr during five years service in the field, had served his 
country with loyalty and ability and had retired with his fame un¬ 
tarnished. He was a military autocrat. War’s stern necessities had 
taught him the efficacy of going straight through every obstacle to 
reach an objective point and to use instantly any means to gain the 
end. He had become rather indifferent to human emotion, rather 
pitiless to human suffering. Victory, success, was the test of ability, 
nothing more. He developed great imagination, indulged in great 
dreams of achievement and power. He saw all objects with a peculiar 


AARON BURR 


211 


clearness and his mind quickly seized upon the readiest means by which 
these objects could be obtained. The splendid fortune inherited 
through the death of his father, had been expended lavishly during 
the war. When he retired from active service, he was practically 
without resources. War with its stern rules had dulled his finer 
sensibilities, had weakened his scruples of honor wTile at the same time 
it had keenly whetted his appetite for adventure. He resolved to 
project himself into high place and to restore the fortune which the 
war had taken from him. 

Blackstone said “Law is a jealous mistress.” Burr did not 
accept this dictum. In fact he had so little veneration for ancient 
precedent, that if need be, he would have dug Blackstone from the 
grave and argued out the matter with him. For right after his 
release from the army, he started in to study law and to win a wife, 
with decided more attention to the lady than to the law. In April, 
1782, at the age of 26, he was formally admitted to practice after 
a brilliant contest waged alone and in which he secured a special 
privilege. He w^on his way professionally with great rapidity. A 
few months later his fees were of such magnitude as to justify the 
final closing of his matrimonial experiment. Thus he wedded Mrs. 
Prevost, a widow ten years older than himself, with two boys (one 
of them eleven years old). She was in poor health, had no consider¬ 
able property and was not even beautiful. She how^ever, possessed 
manners of great charm, a cultivated mind, was w’ell versed in litera¬ 
ture and of an affectionate disposition. Their relations were excellent 
up to the time of her death. She bore him at Albany, Theodosia, 
Colonel Burr’s only legitimate child. Between this strange father 
and this wonderful daughter, there was a love and devotion quite 
sublime. Soon the Burrs moved from Albany to New York. From 
that time on Colonel Burr moved in a circle which enlarged his 
power both for good and evil. 

New York was a metropolitan town, though it was, with its 
population of 25,000, but half the size of Philadelphia. English and 
Dutch predominated. Being a seaport, however, it drew from all 
the world. Its foreign and domestic trade was large. It was the 


212 


MAKING A NATION 


wonder and yet the disgust of the proud Southerners and the more 
narrow New Englanders, who chanced to visit this hot bed of rapidity 
and iniquity. 

Society had its divisions and distinctions, as are found every¬ 
where in old or new communities. Aristocracy was dominated by 
several families of prominence, who rode in coaches of state, had 
servants in livery and owned well stocked cellars of whiskey, wine 
and rum. 

The legal profession was in a rather chaotic state. Prior to 
the Revolution the legal profession had been monopolized by lawyers 
of the Crown, with all the divisions of class observed in the courts 
of the mother country. They were usually Tories. In the war 
they had generally cast their fortunes with the king. Many had fled 
the country. The Colonists somehow loved the law, even before 
the war. A battle in a court of law was a distinction and a delight. 
The upheaval of business occasioned by the long conflict, threw the 
whole mercantile and social fabric in extreme confusion. There 
arose a great volume and mass of litigation, much of extreme im¬ 
portance, all lacking in precedent. With much law and few lawyers 
and these latter in a sort of protective close corporation, there 
was abundant cases and a great opportunity for quick recognition and 
fat fees for those times. 

Aaron Burr and Alexander Hamilton became practitioners in 
this fruitful field. They were social equals, their families politely 
visited. The two men tried cases together, but more often were 
retained on opposite sides in the important controversies being con¬ 
tinually waged in the courts. The New York bar was divided into 
three distinct classes of lawyers, those who held the theory that law 
was a profession devoted to the promotion of justice and the protec¬ 
tion of human rights. The second class is composed of men honorable, 
able, high-minded and of excellent general character who, however, are 
inspired solely by the desire to succeed for their clients and who are 
guided solely by the hope of case success without regard to ways or 
means. The third class is that disgraceful lot of mongrels who creep 
into an otherwise honorable profession for gain only, who take any 


AARON BURR 


213 


side or any question for any fee and whose main anxiety is to operate 
as close to criminal guilt, as to save themselves from the clutches 
of the law. Sad to say, the pettifogger and the shysters are not all 
extinct. Our system of influence and pull has given a long lease of 
life to the latter division of legal scavengers. They have attached 
a taint to law, so that membership in that noble profession is no longer 
a badge of distinction and honor. 

Burr did not openly evince political pretensions. His first eight 
years in New York were devoted to his profession. He gained large 
fees for those days. It is, however, estimated that he never averaged 
more than ten thousand a year income, though he once said he made 
a $40,000 fee in one case. It was hinted, however, that this was 
gained through a successful speculation. 

After a very difficult case, Hamilton received from his client a 
note payable later in installments for the sum of one thousand dollars. 
He returned it with the terse comment that the amount of the fee 
allowed by his client w’as too great! If such a transaction had 
occurred today the bar would have held an indignation meeting and 
would have either reprimanded Hamilton or might have begun dis¬ 
barment proceedings. 

The people finally forced Burr into politics and in 1784-5 he 
served as a member of the Legislature of New York. Even then he 
was not largely interested and attended its sessions only on occasions 
of great importance. Having been well born, being a scholarly 
councillor, I am inclined to think that at this period, the rough and 
tumble conflicts of the political arena had no appeal for his rather 
fastidious nature. 

He had been a soldier, direct and blunt. He did not go around, 
he went straight through. Every law case was a battle and he pre¬ 
pared for it just as he made ready to win a military victory. The 
case itself was thoroughly grilled and trained. The jury was combed 
with care. The history, passions, prejudices, foibles of every member 
of the panel was known to him almost as an exact science. The weak¬ 
ness of the opposing counsel, utilized. The trend of the court’s mind 
also came in for a share of attention. He was as cunning as a fox 


214 


MAKING A NATION 


and as wise as a serpent in the conduct of his case. He was dramatic 
in action and knowing the value of “surprise,” he often permitted 
opposing counsel to concentrate all its attention upon a given theory 
or fact and by some simple expedient shift his dependence upon 
another fact or theory entirely ignored up to that point. 

He knew Hamilton so well that he could gauge his mind with ex¬ 
treme certainty. Once in a very important suit he greatly embarrassed 
Hamilton. His argument coming first, he anticipated Hamilton’s entire 
discourse. Thus anticipating Hamilton’s elaborate argument, he took 
away its otherwise biting power and won his point. At the very topmost 
point of success Burr said, “Law is whatever is boldly asserted and 
plausibly maintained.” “Never negotiate in a hurry.” He asked no 
favor, granted none. He never declaimed and was never profuse. He 
could be clear and explicit when that course served or he could be 
cloudy and mystifying when attempting to obscure the truth or win a 
doubtful point. Serious, sarcastic, sometimes impressive, he always 
compelled attention. Burr conceded Hamilton’s superiority as an 
orator and at this time accorded to his rival high esteem as lawyer and 
man. Hamilton was in manner lofty, in language verbose. Burr was 
practical, crafty and concise. Burr was terse and convincing, Hamilton 
flowing and rapturous. They were the two greatest men in the State 
of New York. 

Fate was preparing the conflict, through which one of them was 
to kill the other! 

Burr’s spectacular rise to political power has never been equalled. 
He, too, like Hamilton, could make a stand for right in the face of 
public clamor and unbridled opposition. It was at the beginning 
of his public career. A guild, which we now know as a labor union, 
sought a charter by which they planned to secure vast power. This 
was in Burr’s second term in the Legislature. Burr saw in this 
movement, if unchecked, the design of controlling the vote of the 
city. He violently opposed this charter and its grant of unlimited 
power. He was the only man from New York who opposed the 
bill. His opposition aroused great indignation among the artisans 
and guilds. Some threatened violence against his person and prop- 


AARON BURR 


215 


erty. He stood firm and his courage finally prevented the law from 
becoming effective. He eventually won the guilds to his viewpoint 
and the effort to pass the law was not renewed. 

Like Washington, Jefferson and Hamilton, he was opposed to 
slavery. At this session, a bill was introduced for the gradual 
abolition of slavery. He offered an amendment for its extinction 
after a given date. His amendment was lost. He voted for the 
original bill when it came up for final passage and it too was lost. 
In these two most conspicuous instances he stood upon high and 
righteous principles, both as man and legislator, his acts being gov- 
erened apparently by noblest motives. 

Public opinion was then divided into three widely marked shades. 
The Tories, quite numerous, were that class who at heart were 
Royalist and who thought Great Britain might some day come back 
into .its own. They had an inordinate estimate of their own super¬ 
iority and at least hoped the day was near at hand when they would 
take the lead and secure predominance in social and official life. Others, 
disenfranchised for active endeavors for the Crown, hoped that peace 
would bring generous forbearance in the removal of their disabilities 
in all rights of citizenship. 

The Whigs had been the sacrificial patriots. They had borne 
the battles’ brunt. They had offered life, limb, property for the 
sacred cause. The dislo5^alty of the Tories to the cause of liberty had 
prolonged the war and their secret plottings had brought added griefs 
and miseries to the Colonies. The Whigs hated this class of Tories 
far more deeply than they did the King’s soldiers. The Whigs were 
unutterably opposed to any concessions to their late enemies. They 
wanted all that victory brought. They wished to share no blessing 
of liberty with the hated and despised Tory. 

The third party was the moderates who ran to no extreme of 
either hate nor exaction. They were in favor of fair concessions and 
a gradual restoration to the Tory, of equal privilege in the benefits 
to be enjoyed under free and constitutional government. 

Another complication arose, however, out of the three great 
families of New York who for years predominated in state politics. 


216 


MAKING A NATION 


the Clintons, the Schuylers and the Livingstones. Governor Clinton 
headed the popular Whigs; Schuyler, while not a Tory, in the sense 
of disloyalty to the cause, yet was such in desiring a gradual restora¬ 
tion to this element of the right to American citizenship. The Liv¬ 
ingstones were strong in members and Robert Livingstone had been 
one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. Clinton was 
obstinate, ignorant, but had power. The Livingstones were numerous 
and had influence. Schuyler was rich, honest, unpopular, but had 
Alexander Hamilton, who had married his daughter. Burr had him¬ 
self. He had not yet publicly revealed his violent Whigism. When 
he started to plan, connive, lay the foundation for political power, 
he shrewdly calculated the comparative strength of the conflicting 
parties. He realized that in a three-corned fight the issue would 
always be doubtful. He logically concluded that on any issue if he 
could unite any two of the clans against the third that victory would 
be assured. That was to be his plan. With him it was not a 
question of eternal principle, not that which was right or wrong, 
but what could win. Having decided upon the thing possible to 
win with, it was not advisable to consider too seriously the means 
nor to be hindered by bothersome scruples. 

During the summer of 1787, the minds of all men were fixed 
upon the proceedings of the Constitutional Convention. Every man 
who could think, talk or write, had opinions, took part in these 
discussions. Alexander Hamilton had been the New York delegate 
to the Constitutional Convention. It was his draft of a proposed 
Constitution that had been adopted. The country had formed into 
two widely differing schools of political policy. One party strenuously 
advocated a strong central government, the other a federal union for 
mutual defense only, leaving the states all powerful. 

Governor Clinton, the Whig of Whigs, idolatrously devoted to 
the great State of New York, was unalterably opposed to the ratifica¬ 
tion of the Constitution by his State. Hamilton, backed by the 
Schuylers, and the Livingstones, finally succeeded in whipping Clinton 
and his party, winning by three votes, only! 

It is more than curious that, though this was the greatest issue 


AARON BURR 


217 


which ever confronted the people of any nation, the record does not 
disclose what, if any part. Burr took in the controversy which raged. 
Toward the end of his checkered life, after he had been the most 
exalted and most rejected of men he said: “When the Constitution 
was first framed, I predicted it would not last fifty years. I was 
mistaken. It will evidently last longer than that. But I was mis¬ 
taken only in point of time. The crash will come. But not quite 
as soon as I thought.” So Washington, Jefferson, Burr and even 
Hamdlton, who drafted it, all felt that the Constitution was destined to 
ultimate failure. But Hamilton had constructed more wisely and 
securely than he knew and the Constitution having weathered the 
fiercest political gales, still stands to serve the nation! 

Burr’s first active entrance into politics was as an anti-Federalist 
and for a hopeless minority. That was in 1788. In 1789 he was 
with Hamilton, supporting Yates for Governor vs. Clinton. They 
were defeated. Burr’s support of Judge Yates was purely personal. 
H is Honor had favored him when applying for irregular admission 
to the bar and Barr had thus shown his gratitude for that early favor. 

Burr’s first important public office was that of attorney general 
of New York by appointment from Governor Clinton, whom he had 
opposed. The record shows that Colonel Burr was able and honest 
in the administration of the office. He, the Governor, Secretary of 
State, Treasurer and Auditor, formed a commission which had exclu¬ 
sive charge of the sale of state lands. This commission sold five 
and a half million acres of Western New York at an average of 
eighteen cents an acre. This created a furious storm. All the 
officials connected with the gigantic project were suspected of graft 
and resolutions of censure were proposed in the Legislature. 

The law” authorizing the sale had been drawn with skill. The 
commission had not exceeded its legal authority. Burr was not then 
suspected of crookedness in the transaction. It does appear, however, 
that a man of legal cunning and great ability ought to have seen 
that this was an inadequate price at which to sell the property of 
the people. ' ' ’ ’ L 

In January, 1781, Burr beat General Schuyler for election to the 


218 


MAKING A NATION 


United States Senate. The general had been elected for the short 
term and was up for re-election. There was a mystery attached to 
Burr’s success in this contest which has never been explained. The 
fact is Burr, as a politician, was entirely the master of opposition. 
Schuyler was Hamilton’s candidate. There was great jealousy among 
the Livingstones over Hamilton’s overweening influence upon New 
York politics. General Schuyler was a plain, blunt soldier. He was 
for strong centralized power, he stood for secret sessions of the Senate. 
He was never popular. It was whispered about that he and Hamilton 
were royalists at heart, that they planned to subvert present institu¬ 
tions with the eventual object of creating a monarchy. Burr’s victory 
inspired him to adopt politics as his future vocation. Thus in the 
Senate, upon the inaguration of the government under the new Con¬ 
stitution, sat Aaron Burr, thirty-five years of age, unknown to national 
politics, a man who by indifference, accident or design had taken no 
part in Constitutional discussion. 

Burr’s senatorial career was marked by no great act or measure 
of distinction. He contrived to retain his mastery in state politics. 
Clinton offered him a position on the Supreme Court Bench of New’ 
York, but he preferred his seat in the Senate. In the last guber- 
national election Jay w-as opposed to Clinton. Burr stood for Clinton 
and Rufus King for Jay in a legal battle for office; Burr \vas for 
law and all its technicalities; King was for justice; law w^on and 
Clinton, the Republican kept his office. It w’as a frightful con¬ 
troversy. The maddest passions were loosed. Anarchy seemed im¬ 
minent. Jay, wffio w-as really voted in by a small margin, w’as counted 
out, exercised great moderation, submitted to the loss of his office, 
but saved the State from civil war. 

Just prior to the election of George Washington to serve a second 
term as President there w^as a growing fear that Burr might win the 
Vice-Presidency. The Federalists, in their alarm, wTote letters to 
many of the leading men of the country, sounding a bold and emphatic 
note of warning. Hamilton wrote to a friend, “My opinion of Mr. 
Burr is yet to form, but according to the present state of it, he is a 
man whose only political principal is to mount at all events to the 


AARON BURR 


219 


highest honors of the nation and as much further as circumstances 
will carry him.” 

In 1794 Gouvenir Morris was our Minister to France. He did 
not sympathize with all the wild excesses of the French Revolution. 
Republicans in the United States and all hot-headed Frenchmen 
clamored for his recall. The Republicans of the Senate canvassed 
to select a name for the French mission. Again Burr’s mysterious 
power came to surface. He was selected as the man to be suggested 
for appointment. Madison presented Burr’s name to the President. 
After grave consideration Washington replied, “It has been a rule 
of his public life to appoint no man to high and responsible office 
of whose integrity he was not assured.” Three times the committee 
pressed its appointment upon President Washington, but he remained 
inflexible. Monroe was finally appointed. Enemies of Hamilton 
charge that it was he who poisoned Washington’s mind against Burr. 
Hamilton doubtless, if asked, expressed his opinion, but long ago 
Washington had distrusted Burr. In the light of subsequent ambi¬ 
tions who can tell to what mad projects, this country might have 
been committed had Washington been less firm or even Hamilton 
less certain of Burr’s real character? The Republicans too, in press¬ 
ing Burr, were following mixed motives. They knew Burr’s power 
in organization. Madison, Monroe and even Jefferson already plan¬ 
ning the new party’s victor}^ preferred Burr at a distance of three 
thousand miles, an ocean between to a contest with him for the 
higher party honors yet to come. 

February, 1797, Philip Schuyler was elected United States 
Senator for New York to the seat formerly held by Aaron Burr. 
The blunt old, uncompromising Federalist had finally won, due to 
the power of Alexander Hamilton, whose party in state and nation 
was in the ascendant. Four years as Secretary of the Treasury had 
made Hamilton strong with the financial powers of the nation. Four 
years more he had been the recognized guide and counsellor to the 
nation’s chief. Four years more he had practically dictated the policy 
of the administration of John Adams. He had had too little real 
opposition. He was rather Intoxicated with power. 


L20 


MAKING A NATION 


Burr, while scarcely out of the Senate, began the work of 
wrestling the state from under Hamilton’s control. His first move 
was an election to the New York Legislature. For two years there¬ 
after he appeared deeply absorbed in law and speculation. He 
started a bank when banks were most unfashionable. As late as 1799 
was defeated for the Legislature. How remarkable does it then 
appear that he could have contrived to become a formidable candidate 
for the Presidency in the year 1800. 

Burr resorted to every device to weaken the Federalist party. 
He sowed seeds of dissension among the great families. He appealed 
to the common people as against the aristocracy. He took advantage 
of every Federalist party blunder and what is finally more to the 
point, he made Adams, the President, appear ridiculous by his peace 
with France and the general unpopularity of his state functions and 
his pompous ceremony. Jefferson, too, appealed to the native sim¬ 
plicity and imagination of common people. The public mind was 
inflamed by the thought that Hamilton still planned the overthrow 
of the republic and the establishment of a monarchy. When the 
votes were counted, Jefferson and Burr each had 73 in the electoral 
college and the final election was thrown according to the Constitu¬ 
tion, into the House of Representatives. Thus by the magic wand, 
manipulation of public opinion. Burr, who a year before, stood dis¬ 
credited and defeated, wm now a possible President of the United 
States. 

The Federalists who stood for a strong union, were as deeply 
fearful of Jefferson, the visionary defender of state rights and un¬ 
bridled rule of the people, as Jefferson was of the Constitutional 
views of Hamilton. They were afraid that Jefferson w'ould tear 
down or weaken the fabric of government they had striven so hard 
to erect. Many of the big men of the party were blinded by the 
fascination, the cunning, the organizing power of Burr. Some thought 
he could be bribed into a coalition with the Federal party, others 
thought that Burr’s mendacity was preferable to Jefferson’s dangerous 
license, his subserviency to the spirit of the French Revolution. 

It is no disparagement to other great men of that time to say 


AARON BURR 


221 


that to Alexander Hamilton lies mainly the credit of defeating Burr 
for the Presidency. JefFerson had never liked Hamilton, had opposed 
his every move, had maligned his public and private reputation, had 
charged him with monarchical intent and yet Hamilton laid aside 
all this. He advised his party to vote for Jefferson, who was elected 
President, while Burr, as the law then stood, became Vice-President. 
Said Hamilton, “No man in our state but thinks Burr the most unfit 
man in the United States for the office of President. Disgrace abroad, 
ruin at home, are the probable fruits of his elevation. To contribute 
to the disappointment and mortification of Mr. Jefferson, would be 
on my part, only to retaliate for unequivocal proofs of enmity, but 
in a case like this, it would be base to listen to personal considera¬ 
tions.” Referring to Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Hamilton said, “He is crafty, 
not scrupulous about the means of success; not very mindful of the 
truth; he is likely to temporize, but there is no fair reason to suppose 
him capable of corruption, which is security that he will not go 
beyond certain limits. To my mind Burr is inferior in real ability 
to Jefferson.” Tbe careful weighing of the two men, solely con¬ 
sidering their official relation to the greatest gift in the bestowal of 
the nation, proved that Hamilton was a real patriot. Had he been 
petty or narrow, it would have been natural for him to have over¬ 
turned the ambitions of Jefferson at whose hands he had suffered 
great wrong! 

Burr, as Vice-President, made no great or profound impression. 
He filled its duties acceptably. But his main structural weakness 
showed here as never before. He lacked great ideas, strong convic¬ 
tions, a real constructive policy. Above all be failed in the basic 
foundation of character. He was all action, Jefferson all theory. 
Jefferson planned the creation and perpetual success of a great party. 
To accomplish this there could be but one directing head, and that 
head Jefferson’s only. He did not trust Burr. He did not believe 
that Burr was an honest Democrat, and so while Burr, who' had 
every right to look for promotion, was second, that was where Jeffer¬ 
son intended he should remain. Jefferson manipulated official patron¬ 
age to the disadvantage of Burr and in various ways showed the latter 


222 


MAKING A NATION 


that, as far as the administration was concerned, that he was deemed 
a rank outsider. Burr, on the other hand, did not handle measures 
in the Senate to the liking of the administration. If Burr had alto¬ 
gether co-operated with the Republican party, he might have been 
President after Jefferson. As it was, he gained favor with neither 
party. Shortly before the close of his term he called on Jefferson 
with a view at last of giving the President an opportunity to declare 
a truce, but Jefferson received him coldly and practically told him 
that he entertained no higher opinion of him than he did before. 
This was as near a declaration of war as could be. At a Washington 
birthday banquet, Burr then appeared and offered a toast among 
Federalists there assembled, to “A union of all honest men.” This 
cut behind him any last tie that might have bound him to the leader¬ 
ship of Jefferson. Burr had leaped politically to ''nowhere'' 

In 1804, with what hidden design we may not know, he sought 
the Governorship of New York. He figured on gathering to himself 
the disgruntled and disaffected of all parties. Young men of fashion, 
disappointed Republicans, warring Federalists, all flocked to the Burr 
standard. Jefferson’s hand was in the conflict, following his old 
method of abuse through scurrilous and irresponsible newspaper men, 
under color of the Jeffersonian “freedom of the press.” Hamilton threw 
himself into the fray again, swallowing Morgan Lewis, a man not 
precisely his choice, to encompass the defeat of that other ambitious 
politician whose success he felt would result in setting New England 
against the South, if in the finals, it did not altogether destroy the 
Union! 

Burr did not despair. He did not retire to his tent and sulk. 
Beaten by a big majority he already began to plan the recovery of his 
political prestige. He knew it could be done. Many times before 
he had dug victory out of the very jaws of defeat. Hamilton, how¬ 
ever, confronted him politically at every turn. He had beaten him 
for the Presidency, he had made his election as Governor impossible, 
when it meant so much to his career. He now resolved that Hamilton 
should be silenced or removed. The character, history, previous train¬ 
ing, modes of life, present situation of these two men made it quite 


AARON BURR 


223 


inevitable that they should fight. Both were soldiers, fearless, both 
had recognized the duello as a part of the code of life among honor¬ 
able men. Hamilton’s son had died on the so-called field of honor 
(?) in defense of his father’s good name. Burr shrewdly calculated 
that Hamilton could not refuse him satisfaction. He now set about to 
discover a cause of challenge. Two isolated statements issued by 
another, quoting Hamilton, furnished the pretext. Though really 
opposed to the duel on moral grounds, Hamilton was placed in a 
position where he had to accept Burr’s challenge. The men met. 
Hamilton wasted his shot in the air and Burr shot him down with 
extreme coolness and deliberation. Apparently he never melted in his 
vindictive hatred of Hamilton. When a very old man he still justi¬ 
fied his act and always felt that Hamilton’s death at his hands was 
just retribution for the wrongs he had inflicted on Burr. They had 
met at a banquet July 4th. Here Hamilton was merry, the very soul 
of the joyous occasion. Burr was silent and moody. A few days later 
Hamilton left a letter stating that he did not intend to shoot at Burr, 
made his will, gave minute directions as to the disposition of various 
matters, gave strict attention to some important legal matters for his 
clients. July ii, 1804, saw the end of Hamilton. It really was the 
beginning of the end for Burr, for though he lived many years there¬ 
after, God and man seemed to have forsaken him. There was indeed 
upon his brow “the brand of Cain”. 

Truly speaking Burr did not, could not, understand the ominous 
meaning of the terrific burst of popular indignation which followed 
Hamilton’s death. He reasoned that he had great place in the esteem 
of vast multitudes, that he was of greater station than his victim ; 
that most of the country’s greatest men had fought duels and killed 
men; that every regulation of the code had been scrupulously followed. 
We, who live today, cannot measure the excited, the passionate indig¬ 
nation that universally spread through the land. Burr’s friendly news¬ 
papers dared not come forth in his defense. His journalistic enemies 
revelled in the opportunity to put him further down, he, Burr, Vice- 
President of the Nation! All men clamored for vengeance, even 
those who in life hated, despised and feared Hamilton. 


224 


MAKING A NATION 


The coroner’s jury heard the evidence at sessions lasting two 
weeks and rendered the following verdict: “Aaron Burr, Vice- 
President of the United States, was guilty of the murder of Alexander 
Hamilton and that William P. Van Ness and N. Pendleton were 
accessories.” The grand jury instructed the district attorney to prose¬ 
cute. The accused,.all save Burr, fled in amazement. Even Burr at 
length realized that safety could be alone secured through flight. 
Accordingly he wrote his son-in-law, “General Hamilton died yester- 
da)^ The malignant Federalists or Tories and the embittered Clin- 
tonians unite in endeavoring to excite public sympathy in his favor 
and indignation for his antagonist. Thousands of absurd falsehoods 
are circulated with industry. The most illiberal means are practiced 
in order to produce excitement and for the moment with effect. I 
propose leaving town for a few days and meditate also a journey of 
some weeks, but whither is not resolved.” A week later he wrote to 
this same relative that a terrific ostracism might force him to perma¬ 
nent absence from the country. 

In Virginia and other Southern states the offense did not meet 
with disapproval. Burr was well received and in a little while 
excitement subsided, public passion cooled. Burr returned to Wash¬ 
ington where he was fairly well received. Jefferson even appointed 
his friend. General Wilkinson, Governor of Louisana. Here he fin¬ 
ished out his term as Vice-President and presiding officer of the Sen¬ 
ate. He presided at the impeachment of Mr. Justice Chase of the 
Supreme Court. His farewell speech to the Senate was marked by a 
dignity of thought rarely surpassed. Those who heard that speech 
claim it the most sublime effort of his life. The Senate adopted a 
strong resolution in his honor and thus his official connection with 
the national government ended. 

He was now heavily in debt and liable to arrest therefor. He 
was to be disenfranchised in New York and as he humorously wrote, 
hanged in New Jersey. He swore he’d risk neither, but would seek 
another country. Retribution was sowing its seeds. He was already 
losing that nerve of steel which had for him before won so many des¬ 
perate conflicts. For the first time in all that striking life, he feared 
to meet his enemies face to face. The net was drawing close! 


AARON BURR 


225 


Burr was now planning the seizure of the Southwest Territory. 
He knew its desperate nature and hesitated long before making the 
final plunge. No one knows to this day whether General Wilkinson, 
whom Jefferson had appointed at Burr’s request, was fully in the plan. 
But as late as 1806 Burr was in Washington and gave Jefferson an 
opportunity to save him, if such salvation was still possible. In a 
long confidential talk with the President, he spoke of his service to 
the party, how Jefferson had ignored or treated him with coldness, 
that he could still be of great service or great harm and plainly indi¬ 
cated that he would appreciate some honorable employment, some life 
appointment where he might be of great service to the country. Under 
the surface now the interview creates a pathos, a profound pity for 
the man, that will not vanish. Jefferson, with icy and virtuous aloof¬ 
ness, told him that he. Burr, no longer held public confidence or 
esteem, that he, Jefferson, could take care of himself, that he was so 
armed in virtue and public esteem, that he feared neither Burr nor 
any other man and declined to consider Burr in any manner for public 
office. Doubtless Burr silently concealed his disappointment, went his 
desperate way, fully resolved to execute his project to the brilliant 
and successful completion or to bitter and tragic failure. His design 
was not only treason to the nation, but it was subversive of the laws 
of his country. 

He said, with two hundred men, he could drive the President 
and Congress into the Potomac and with five hundred he could take 
possession of New York. Before any overt act had been committed. 
President Jefferson had been informed that Burr was dangerously 
plotting. This vcas in July. Jefferson ordered Burr watched, but 
things moved slowly and it was September, 1806, before plans were 
formied to dig diligently into the matter. It may be, too, that 
Jefferson did not want to act until Burr had gone into the plot 
beyond redemption. Burr was terribly bold in his statements. Yet 
when analized they were merely mysterious and non-committal. 
To those who doubted the justice or feasibility of his project to seize 
Mexico, he gave mysterious assurances that he had the cordial support 
of the administration, through Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, Georgia, 


226 


MAKING A NATION 


everywhere he dashed, informing, organizing, planning and shaping 
his mighty plan. Rumors filled the air of some plot of mystery afoot 
so that in October, 1807, the Western World, a newspaper of Frank¬ 
fort, Kentucky, published what it claimed was the plan and denounced 
Burr as a traitor. 

On November 3rd, Mr. Davies, United States Attorney, moved 
that Aaron Burr be compelled to attend court to answer the 
charge that he was engaged in an enterprise contrary to the 
laws of the United States and to injure a foreign power at peace 
with the American nation. This was a staggering surprise both 
to Burr and the countr}^ The people thought this a Federalist 
move against Burr and public sympathy speedily evinced itself in 
his favor. Henry Clay, America’s great master of compromise on the 
slavery issue, was one of Burr’s counsel. Before he undertook the 
defense he exacted from his client a personal pledge of the most 
sacred character that nothing was planned by him that contained in it, 
any design against the United States or any other country at peace 
with ours. Burr unequivocally gave this pledge. In the then state 
of public politics, with Burr’s matchless skill and effrontery, with 
Clay’s great legal ability and splendid personal fame, which was 
wrapped around Burr, the Grand Jury of Frankfort, not only 
refused to indict but completely exonerated Burr from participation 
in any design inimical to the welfare of the country. Clay went to 
his grave, cleared of delusion. He later knew that Burr had violated 
his confidence as a man of honor, in deliberate deception! 

Even then Burr might have retraced his steps if it had been 
possible. But his preparation had been on too great a scale. He had 
apparently enlisted too many persons into some dark and mysterious 
project. Some were real friends and would have followed his leader¬ 
ship. Some were just daring adventurers, who would have blindly 
fallen in behind success, others were just traitors like himself, ready 
to toss him into the discard, many still further ready to betray upon 
any pretext or personal advantage, to themselves. 

It was General Wilkinson, whom many historians fully believe 
was in Burr’s plot, who finally notified Jefferson of cipher letters he 


AARON BURR 


227 


received from Burr regarding the final conspiracy. The Burr plan, 
devoid of many details, was to sail down the Mississippi in a flotilla, 
seize New Orleans and perhaps the whole of Louisiana, and at the 
head of an army descend upon Mexico, overthrow the government 
and establish a monarchy. He maintained that he had arranged for 
aid from England and that a part of the United States navy was 
favorable to his scheme. Burr guaranteed the project with his life 
and honor and with the honor and fortune of the best blood of our 
country. Wilkinson took quick action, seized and separated part of 
the flotilla, scattered Burr’s ill organized forces. Burr was at 
Nashville when news of the disaster came. He still preserved a 
cool head and after dismissing a few of his followers with the promise 
that he had merely deferred execution of his plans, he disappeared 
from Nashville, but still kept in touch with forts along the Mississippi. 
It was not until close to Natchez that he learned of Wilkinson’s 
activities and of the prodigious excitement of the country. The 
Governor of Mississippi induced Burr to surrender, again a grand 
jury heard evidence and dismissed the indictment reprimanding the 
authorities for the illegality of the proceeding. The people were with 
the prisoner and the court merely bowed to public opinion. 

Burr, who was out on bonds supplied by friends, then demanded 
his liberty. This was refused, for the national authorities had in¬ 
dicated further and more serious proceedings. Burr thereupon betrayed 
his bondsmen in ignominious flight. After hardship and adventure, 
he was finally captured in Alabama. Thence was he transported to 
Richmond, Virginia, the place of his final trial. 

Now, truly, it would appear that the hour of retribution had 
arrived. The people were inflamed, the President, Thomas Jefferson, 
was bent on his undoing. Burr was penniless. The justice at the 
trial was John Marshall, Chief Justice of the United States, straight 
as an arrow in integrity, and incorruptible. Court convened May 
22, 1807. The setting was the most brilliant yet tragic that had ever 
gathered in a judicial tribunal. No abler prosecution ever sought 
to prove guilt and no defense ever before presented an array of legal 
talent such as flocked to the standard of Burr. Hay, Wirt, McRae, 


228 


MAKING A NATION 


three splendid lawyers, stood for the government. For the defense 
there was the incomparable Burr himself, Edmund Randolph, John 
Wickham, Benjamin Botts, Luther Marten and Jack Baker, all legal 
gladiators, each with special learning, all eloquent, each with some 
•ax to grind even beyond the issues of the Burr case itself. There was 
never an expedient, a technicality, an evasion, a quibbling which 
escaped these defendants. Burr, with a bad case, abused the lawyers 
on the other side. Burr’s counsel injected national, state and local 
politics at every turn. Judge Marshall held them to the points at 
issue and often by his high sense of judicial dignity and poise, pre¬ 
vented open hostilities between contending counsel. Jefferson, and 
his entire political party, aiming for conviction and the resultant 
destruction of Burr, could never understand Judge Marshall’s complete 
fairness to the defendant. 

As an example of the conflicting sentiment concerning Burr and 
his trial, I quite from a toast at a county banquet held in Maryland 
just then: “Aaron Burr, the man who once received the confidence 
of a free people. May his treachery to his country exalt him to the 
scaffold and hemp be his escort to the republic of dust and ashes.” 
Luther Martin of his brilliant counsel, amid all this flare of indigna¬ 
tion said: “Go ye holiday, ye sunshine friends, ye time servers, ye 
criers of Hosanna today, ye crucifiers of tomorrow, go hide your heads 
if possible from the contempt and detestation of every virtuous and 
honorable inhabitant.” 

The court’s very experience in attempting to secure a jury was 
significant. The nation admired Burr’s brain, but doubted his honor, 
lacked faith in his moral character. A juror said “any man who did 
what Burr did ought to hang.” “Cononel Burr had done wrong and 
drawn others into it.” “Burr was smart and if he had committed 
any crime he would creep out of it.” “He had long deemed Burr 
a very bad man.” “He was sure Burr had treasonable intent, but 
doubt that an overt act had been committed.” Another said, “Knew 
he would be rejected because his first name was Hamilton/* “Out 
of a panel of 48 possible jurors there zuas but one who admitted that 
he was without prejudice against the prisoner. 


AARON BURR 


229 


Much evidence was introduced at the trial; not only as to the 
plot in the South West, but that Burr intended later to overturn the 
government at Washington and of revolutionizing the Eastern States. 
The case progressed to the point where the prosecution sought to 
introduce a mass of collateral evidence. The defense objected to the 
admission of this upon the theory that this could not be done until 
some overt act had been proved. This was the pivotal point of the 
case. Counsel spent nine days in the discussion. The Chief Justice 
took from Saturday to Monday to deliberate. The motion to exclude 
such testimony prevailed. The prosecution permitted the case to go 
to the jury without argument and the following verdict was speedily 
agreed: “We, the Jury, say that Aaron Burr is not proved to be 
guilty, under the indictment by any evidence submitted to us. We 
therefore find him ‘not guilty’.” Burr objected vehemently to the 
form of the verdict, but the jury would consent to no alteration. T.ius 
he escaped on a technicality and saved his neck from the noose by 
the Scotch route of “not proved.” Jefferson was not satisfied and 
he Instructed the prosecuting attorney to let no witness depart without 
his evidence having been preserved in writing. Burr was now tried 
for misdemeanor, but here again he took advantage of “a pettifogging 
quibble” and was acquitted on the ground of a lack of jurisdiction; 
the offense was alleged to have been committed in Ohio and so could 
not be legally tried in the State of Virginia. Burr gave bail to appear 
before the Ohio Court and the proceedings drew to an end. 

He had won a legal victory, had kept out of prison, had irritated 
Thomas Jefferson, but he had not saved his name or fame. A short 
visit to Baltimore proved not only that his reputation had been 
shattered, but that his life was actually in danger. So he departed 
from that city, formerly the home of a multitude of admirers, without 
civil or military honor. In fact the formerly great Burr fled again, 
and lay for days concealed in New York, able to meet his faithful 
and beloved daughter only on rare and guarded occasions. 

In June, 1808, he sailed for England. Here he designed to inter¬ 
est that country in his plans to seize Mexico, but European politics 
barred the way. His right to live in England was seriously questioned. 


230 


MAKING A NATION 


He claimed that, having been born a subject of England, under English 
law he was still such subject and so entitled to reside in Great Britain. 
His contention prevailed in spite of the four years he had borne arms 
against the mother country, always the master of technicality. In 
spite of all that had transpired he was well received and spent some 
months enjoying the companionship of England’s best society. Soon, 
however, the foreign office informed him that his presence was em¬ 
barrassing to his majesty’s government and that it was the wish and 
expectation of the government that he depart from England. He 
demanded reasons. None were furnished. Burr thought that it was 
Jefferson’s influence, which drove him hence to Sweden, where he 
lingered a few months, again basking in the best circles, for he was 
irrepressible. He finally secured passage to Hamburg where for a 
time he was literally penniless. After many adventures in many cities 
with many persons, he finally arrived in Paris, February i6, i8iO. 

The unutterable contempt and 5^et the unwilling pathos drawn 
out of one, for this fallen adventurer who still had hope that he might 
induce the great and all powerful of earth to listen to his alluring 
projects and give him a chance to redeem the greatness once his. 
And still in the blackness of the night, in poverty that really meant 
lack of food and warmth for the body and candle lights by which to 
read, there ran that God-like love for Theodosia, his daughter, the 
wonder child, the one creature who knew only in him his better 
parts, who saw in him no evil, neither cunning nor guile. Falling 
unutterably in every aspiration toward the possible restoration of 
fortune through some great plan, he strove to secure passports for his 
return to his native land. Fifteen months’ never-ending wearisome 
effort was expended before he finally received these from the French 
government. The most poignant of all griefs was the enforced inter¬ 
ruption of his correspondence with Theodosia. For a year he had 
not been permitted to receive a line and all the while he saw no 
cessation of the terrible ignominy which attached to the name of 
Aaron Burr, but she courageously wrote to great men begging that 
upon her father’s return to America that he be not further prosecuted. 
H is last days in Paris were crowded with difficulties. He borrowed 


AARON BURR 


231 


when he could, he sold his books, he resorted to every expedient to 
live. In May, 1812, he had returned to Boston and under disguise. 
But he persevered, bravely got back to New York, hung out his 
lawyer’s sign and after a few fearsome weeks began anew the practice 
of his profession. Fate still had shafts for Burr for his grandson 
died and Theodosia was mysteriously lost at sea. He wrote, “Ever 
since the event which separated me from mankind, I have been able 
neither to give nor receive consolation.” 

He was now 57 years of age. His enemies nursed the Burr boom 
of hatred. His debts were enormous. He spent much of his time in 
keeping out of jail. Socially he was dead. It was dishonor to be 
seen in his company. But his opinions were still sought and he was 
still capable of earning fees. It is even claimed that, versed in the 
secrets of politics, that on occasion his advice was sought and secretly 
heeded by the politicians of the day. He gradually secured a large 
practice and was engaged in and won some very remarkable cases. 
He once met Henry Clay in a New York court room. Clay, whom 
he had deceived and the great Kentuckian refused to shake his hand. 
He never hesitated to discuss the past. He always claimed that 
General Wilkinson had betraj^ed him. He underrated Washington 
and was ever bitter against Jefferson. By some process of reasoning 
he could always with apparent sincerity, justify his every act. He 
did so to the end. 

Burr wrote to and received many letters from many women. 
From boyhood to old age his life had been filled with amours. But 
at the conclusion he directed the destruction of the correspondence. 
Harper’s Magazine said of him: “His whole life was intrigue, woman 
was his spoil. He lived before the world as an aspirant for power; 
in social life he lived to triumph over the weakness of the sex.” Once 
asked, however, by a youth that he relate some of his love adventures, 
the old man, now weak and trembling, said, “No, no, I never kiss 
and tell.” A curious woman dug into the past trying to get Colonel 
Burr to reveal a secret: “Madame,” said he, “It was a lady who was 
once under my protection and a woman who has ever been in these 
arms, to me is sacred forever.” A few weeks before his death he said 


232 


MAKING A NATION 


talking of the relations of the sexes: “Seduction is a crime like no 
other. No woman can lay her ruin at my door. If I had a son and he 
would bring dishonor upon a family by the ruin of a daughter, I 
would shoot him as I would a dog!” At 78 he married again, but 
it was not a successful voyage upon the matrimonial sea and the lady 
severed the tie. He was not alone or neglected in his last days or 
hours. A good minister tried to perform the last rites. The man 
of God asked him if he was ready for the faith and salvation of 
religion, to which Burr replied, in the full possession of his faculties 
and with deep emotion: “On that subject, I am coy.” Princeton 
was his last resting place, Princeton, over which college his father 
had presided with such ability. He had strayed afar only to lie 
down at last alongside ancestral bones. 

The news of his death spread. Attention was again revived con¬ 
cerning his life and deeds. The few journals who gave him faint 
praise were vigorously denounced. Among the others there was a 
mad race as to which could dig up the blackest scandal or heap the 
filthiest odium. He left no estate or property, but did leave a will 
bequeathing what remained to a natural daughter, eight years old at 
the time of Burr’s death. A fee from a contingent interest in a case 
at court finally brought a considerable sum to this child of his old age. 

Burr in his 80 years of life played a conspicuous part in the 
striking drama of the United States. He scaled mountain tops, he 
touched deepest vales. He tasted richest fortune, suffered biting 
poverty, he basked in the sunshine of popular adoration, he shrank 
from the multitude’s scorn and sneer. He had known every triumph 
and every defeat, had enjoyed women’s love and man’s hate. To what 
extent was he guilty or what unfortunate is a task too great for mere 
man so liable to be influenced by prejudice, passion, environment or 
moral temperament to determine. He was too cunning, too over¬ 
reaching as a politician, yet not great enough to be accounted a states¬ 
man. A great Chinese philosopher said that when God marked a man 
for high office he inflicted great suffering, hardship, privation upon 
him to make him fit and worthy to rule and guide his fellows. Burr 
lacked this hardening of the moral arteries, the virtuous fibres of his 


AARON BURR 


233 


being. Born well, not lacking in finance, success came with too 
much speed and rapidity. He lacked the vital stamina generated 
by big ideas, high moral resolve and in proportion to the absence of 
these impelling impulses he failed. The ruin was collossal, such men 
must ever fail. 

Burr’s life reveals the dominant principle of human conduct that 
service, not self, must be the controlling guide. A man may reach 
an apex of human achievement, but he cannot remain therein in real 
service, unless he shall possess a moral character inspired by a lofty 
purpose. Gloss over his faults as we may, throw charity’s mantle 
over his sins until they shall be made as white as snow through God’s 
supreme goodness, weigh all the big things achieved, the fact still 
remains, that judged by the higher and nobler standards of human 
conduct. Burr’s life was the most collossal and lamentable failure in 
the annals of American history. He had been a menace to the Con¬ 
stitution, a peril to the Union and as long as he lingered on the stage 
of action he was a national danger, an unsolved enigma to his 
countrymen. Time cannot soften the blackness which surrounds his 
life nor excuse the ingratitude which marked his conduct. 

“Oh, what a fall there was.” 

Posterity shrinks from a contemplation of his life and deeds. 
The highest tribute to Alexander Hamilton is evidenced by Burr’s 
failure, even in our earlier national existence, to tear down the national 
structure reared by the sacred Constitution. Both men sinned deeply, 
but Hamilton was a patriot and Burr a traitor. The memory of one 
stands high in the heart of his countrymen, that of the other will be 
reviled as long as virtue and honor hold high place among the citizens 
of the Republic. 









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John Quincy Adams 


J OHN ADAMS, Second President of the United States, was 
father to John Quincy Adams, sixth executive of this nation. 
During the administration of the latter Adams our country was 
not only at peace with the world but the Union had attained a 
cohesion not hitherto experienced. This splendid condition had been 
reached through well defined stages of national development. 

The first: A period of colonization wherein various groups of 
men had braved the hardships and terrors of an undiscovered land 
to avoid persecution and in order that they might enjoy freedom from 
all forms of unnatural restraint. 

The second: The development of sturdy character and fearless 
courage generated through conflict with cruel, savage hordes. This 
was the school of preparation to resistance against loyal dictation and 
tyranny, breeding self-reliance. 

The third: Revolution which in the face of definite odds, the 
tie which bound the Colonies to Great Britain was irrevocably severed. 

The fourth: Organization. First feebly under the Articles of 
Federation, and later by constructive operation under the vigorous 
Constitution of the United States. 

The fifth: Cohesive and closely knit union which reached its 
then highest point under the administration of James Monroe and 
John Quincy Adams. 

The revolution was no sooner concluded than there arose a con¬ 
flict among Americans for partisan supremacy. A part of this struggle 
was waged by men wTo felt that the Republic was in danger of 
subversion and by others who used this popular fear merely to defeat 
the party in power and advance their own fortunes. 

During Washington’s administration, Jefferson was planning the 
defeat of the Federalist party. Errors in the administration of John 
Adams complicated the wreck. All through the term as President, of 
Jefferson, Madison and Monroe, the Republican party was supreme 
in power. Those at the head of the Government were practically 


236 


MAKING A NATION 


unchecked save by public opinion. They who ruled, however in the 
main, tried to do what was fundamentally right. If they proceeded 
at times beyond constitutional limitations it was for the general good 
and the people approved. 

It was not until John Quincy Adams was chosen President that 
any candidate of Federalist connections had been honored by election. 
Throughout his four years of service as chief magistrate, partisanship 
had no place in public affairs. He built no political machine. Many 
violently opposed to him were allowed to hold office. He served but 
one term. Not because he did not merit a second term, but because 
he would not stoop to play the dirty game of partisanship politics 
which was used against him. 

John Quincy Adams held many positions of trust. At fourteen 
he was appointed by George Washington as Secretary of the American 
Legation at St. Petersburg. Later he was minister to Berlin and by- 
authority concluded treaties of commerce with Prussia and Sweden. 
So punctilious was the elder Adams, that he recalled his son from the 
Berlin post to avoid embarrassing Jefferson, who succeeded to the 
presidenc)'’. 

Upon his return to America he was elected to the Legislature 
of Massachusetts and by that body sent to the United States Senate. 
He opposed Jefferson’s action in the matter of the Louisiana purchase 
purely upon Constitutional grounds. In 1805 he offered a bill to 
impose a duty on the importation of slaves. During Jefferson’s 
administration both England and France seized our ships, appropri¬ 
ated our merchandise and wantonly murdered our seamen. With every 
legitimate Incentive to war our nation above all things needed peace. 

Jefferson influenced Congress to pass the embargo act by which 
we were forbidden to trade w-ith England or France, nor these two 
countries wdth us. The effect of this was peculiarly disastrous on 
the New England States. It paralyzed the trade and industry of 
Massachusetts. Adams sustained Jefferson’s embargo act because he 
thought it was for the ultimate good of the country as a whole. This 
occasioned great censure. He was charged with base desertion of 
his party. It was claimed that he was corrupt, that his course was 


JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 


237 


inspired by the low motive of promoting personal ambitions. By a 
narrow majority the Massachusetts Legislature disapproved of the 
action of its Senator and elected a substitute to take office at the 
expiration of his term; and furthermore instructed its Congressional 
representative to oppose all Jefferson’s measures. Mr. Adams, too 
high-minded to retain the Senatorship under such conditions, resigned, 
finding solace and comfort in the pursuit of science and literature, 
seeking neither vindication nor other public office. 

Madison had become President over a country torn with partisan 
contention and with the horrors of war hanging like a dark cloud 
over a destructed nation. In March, 1809, John Quincy Adams 
was appointed minister to Russia. He located the following year 
in St. Petersburg, that city as ambassador, where years before at the 
age of fourteen he had been the youthful Secretary of the Embassy. 

War between England and America came in 1812. It was a 
popular war because our every right as a nation had been ruthlessly 
violated. After early reverses the war finally resulted in victory for 
the United States. The embargo act and the war had compelled 
the United States to turn serious attention to the development of 
domestic manufacture, destined later to give us a predominating 
share in supplying the markets of the world. 

While a Russian minister a vacancy occurred on the Supreme 
Court Bench. President Madison tendered the appointment to Mr. 
Adams, who graciously declined to accept. 

Through the influence of Mr. Adams, Emperor Alexander ten¬ 
dered his services as mediator in peace negotiations. The offer was 
accepted by the American Government. Adams, Bayard and Gallatin 
were appointed to take charge of peace negotiations, which were 
brought to a successful issue December, 1814. 

England in the beginning was stubborn in her demands and 
could make no reasonable concessions. Our commissioners, however, 
were men of decided character, honest of purpose and able in every 
manner to cope with their opponent. The Senate by joint resolu¬ 
tions with the House at Washington declared a national day of 


238 


MAKING A NATION 


observance and thanksgiving devoutly acknowledged the goodness of 
God manifested in the restoration of peace. July 3, i8i5} a treaty 
of commerce between Great Britain and United States was signed 
and ratified by both governments. Cordial relations have existed since 
that day. Adams remained in London as Resident Minister by ap¬ 
pointment of the President. 

It is needless to state that Mr. Adams most worthily represented 
the United States at the Court of St. James. He was withdrawn 
from that eminent position to become Secretary of State in the Cabinet 
of President Monroe, who deemed him the best fitted man of the 
nation to occupy that important and highly honorable position. Dur¬ 
ing the period of eight years these men, so vastly different in tempera¬ 
ment and culture, worked in most complete harmony. Monroe trusted 
Adams implicitly in the conduct of our foreign affairs and it was 
the pen of Adams which rounded out the message in which was laid 
down the policy involved in the “Monroe Doctrine.” 

Mr. Monroe had his differences with General Andrew Jackson, 
who was a rough soldier. In the Seminole war in Florida, General 
Jackson acted quite violently and ruthlessly. It was asserted by 
many that he had acted vastly beyond the authority granted him. 
He was then publicly accused. Mr. Adams as Secretary of State 
stood by General Jackson, especially in that phase of the matter in 
which Great Britain took the position that two English subjects had 
been wrongly and illegally executed. Had it not been for the brilliant 
and skillful presentation of the American side of the case by Mr. 
Secretary Adams it is more than possible that there would have been 
a third war between the United States and Great Britain. But this 
was averted and General Jackson was saved from a disgrace that 
would forever have shattered his public career. 

But politics and politicians know neither gratitude nor mercy 
and ambition puts memory in oblivion. When Monroe’s second term 
had almost run its course, a presidential campaign was inaugurated 
which for bitterness had rarely ever before been known in the United 
States. Henry Clay was the candidate of the West, Crawford of 
the South, Jackson of the Southwest, and John Quincy Adams of 


JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 


239 


the North and East. In this electorial college none of the four 
candidates had a majority and the three highest, Jackson, Adams and 
Crawford, came before the House of Representatives for final choice. 

In this body Clay who was speaker of the House of Repre¬ 
sentatives, threw his support to John Quincy Adams and the latter 
having received a clear majority was declared elected. Reluctantly 
he assumed office as required by the Constitution. The Adams states 
contained a vastly greater population than the Jackson states and 
thus John Quincy Adams was doubly entitled to the office, but 
Jackson became very bitter and from the hour of his defeat he and 
his friends planned the downfall of his successful opponent. 

President Adams in surveying the field for cabinet officials selected 
Henry Clay as his Secretary of State. Immediately the Jacksonians 
alleged that this was part of a corrupt bargain, and though the charge 
was disproved beyond the possibility of doubt, it was stoutly repeated 
and maintained until at length great numbers of citizens believed that 
it was true, despite the unblemished public lives of the two great 
patriots whose integrity became thus involved. 

One public man who took part in the campaign was relied upon 
to prove the charge. This man, a reputable member of Congress, 
unequivocally denied these preposterous allegations but the slimy 
scandal was passed along with all the ear marks of truth, and in the 
next election General Jackson became the beneficiary legatee of the 
political scorpion and rode into office as though planted there through 
noblest virtue and heroic sacrifice. 

Thus in the election of Adams and his defeat for a second term 
the real contender was General Andrew Jackson. The contrast be¬ 
tween these men was striking to an extreme degree. From Wash¬ 
ington to Monroe, Adams had been called to high place always without 
urge or solicitation on his part. Jackson, basing his claim to recogni¬ 
tion on military service alone, had been an open seeker for the Presi¬ 
dency. Adams was a renowned scholar. Jackson almost an illiterate 
by comparison. Adams was the most successful diplomat the United 
States had ever known. Jackson was absolutely without such ability 
or experience. Adams was refined, patient, temperate, God fearing. 


240 


MAKING A NATION 


Jackson was rough, impulsive, intemperate and at times blas¬ 
phemous. Adams was gifted in law and statecraft, of lofty 
vision. The law Jackson knew was that of the tented field 
and his only vision was that of securing political power, be the cost 
or method what it may. Public office sought Adams, but Jackson ran 
after public office inspired solely by personal ambition. 

While his course as President reflected credit upon him as a 
patriotic executive of the nation it was not marked by great skill as 
a partisan politician. In his appointments to office he refrained from 
machine building. Ability and efficiency were the sole requisites, nor 
could he be induced to remove office holders solely for the reason that 
personally or politically they stood in opposition to him, his supposed 
party or his policies. 

While General Jackson and his followers were insidiously under¬ 
mining him in the public esteem. President Adams was attending to 
the business of the country, which consisted largely in developing 
internal improvements upon a scale of great magnitude, protecting 
and fostering domestic trade and manufactures and reducing the 
public debt. 

During his four-year term more treaties were negotiated by far 
than during the thirty-six years of previous administrations. New 
covenants of amity, navigation and commerce were concluded with 
Australia, Sweden, Denmark, the Holland League, Prussia, Columbia 
Central America. Many international difficulties were amicably ad¬ 
justed and claims of our citizens against Sweden, Denmark and Brazil 
for damage done to American commerce were brought about to mutual 
satisfaction. He favored projects for national encouragement to edu¬ 
cation and scientific discovery. He recommended co-operation with 
the alms and aspirations of a Pan-American Congress and secured a 
Congressional appointment therefore, but too late for practical action 
as the Congress had adjourned before the arrival of the delegates from 
the United States. He stood for fair and equitable dealing with the 
Indians and set aside one treaty that had been secured through fraud 
and misrepresentation. 

So much of practical and unpartisan value had been accomplished 


JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 


241 


that it was indeed strange that the vast mass of voters could not com¬ 
prehend the value of President Adams to the country at large. But 
so powerful had the Jackson party grown that it leaped far ahead in 
practical strength. 

During the last session of Congress held under the Adams ad¬ 
ministration its members absolutely neglected and laid aside public 
duties in order that the chamber might be regaled with partisan 
speeches for electioneering purposes in the coming campaign! General 
Jackson effected a combination with Crawford and these two by unit¬ 
ing their forces, gained control of both branches of Congress. The 
anti-Adams element elected its own speaker and by the organization 
and committee appointments obstructed the necessary legislature insti¬ 
tuted by the President, thereby casting additional criticism upon the 
administration, which in the light of today was among the ablest 
with which our country had ever been blessed. 

For the first time in the country’s history, the executive was 
entirely deprived of legislative support. Committee reports were often 
tainted with partisan comment, violating decent ethics in the most 
flagrant manner. The election followed a campaign of unparalleled 
bitterness. John Quincy Adams was defeated and on March 4, 1829, 
Andrew Jackson was inducted into the office of President of the 
United States. Upon the rendition of the verdict John Quincy 
Adams without a whimper or protest retired to private citizenship 
just as calmly and manfully as he had responded to the call when it 
came four years before. 


CREEK INDIANS 

President Adams fell heir to a serious difficulty concerning the 
Creek Indians and the State of Georgia. President Madison had 
commissioned Governor Troup and two associates to make a treaty 
with the Indians for the purchase of their lands, and to make pro¬ 
vision for their permanent settlement beyond the Mississippi. The 
main body of the Creek nation was opposed and in general council 
passed a law forbidding such sale on penalty of death. 


242 


MAKING A NATION 


Upon adjournment of the General Council, a small minority of 
the Creeks, lead by Chief McIntosh, met the United States Com¬ 
missioners and entered into a treaty on their own responsibility, ceding 
to the United States all the Creek lands in Georgia and Alabama. 
This aroused great indignation among the Creeks. They reconvened 
their general council, repudiated the action of the minority, shot the 
chief who had betrayed the people, and resolved if necessary to protect 
the ancient home of their ancestors with their lives. 

Unaware of the fraud thus practiced, the Senate of the United 
States on the last day of Monroe’s administration ratified the illegally 
acquired treaty. Georgia had decided to distribute this vast area 
among its inhabitants by lottery and order a survey. The Indians 
resisted. Georgia ordered the militia to the scene, prepared to enforce 
the provisions of the spurious covenant. In the last extremity the 
Indians sent a courier to Washington demanding the protection of 
the General Government. 

Mr. Adams, now President, in the face of Georgia’s belligerent 
attitude, sent a special agent to investigate the facts. A report was 
tendered the President, showing that the treaty had been secured 
through bad faith on the part of the slain Indian chieftain and cor¬ 
ruption on the part of the United States Commissioners. He sent a 
body of United States regulars to preserve the peace and protect the 
red men until some wise and equitable plan could be formulated for 
the disposal of the issue. In his message to Congress within one 
month after he took office he said: “The military force will be 
resorted to only in the event of the failure of all other expedients 
provided by the laws.” Congress sustained the President, maintaining, 
however, that it was expedient to secure a cession of the lands. Such 
prompt action prevented warfare between the people of Georgia and 
the Creeks and hindered an open defiance by Georgia of the authority 
of the national government. 

New negotiations instituted by President Adams resulted in 
declaring the McIntosh treaty null and void and in obtaining at 
length a cession of all the Creek lands within the limit of Georgia 
on terms entirely satisfactory to the Creek nation. So it was that 


JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 


243 


Mr. Adams in the matter of the Indians, as in all other matters, had 
but one guide, righteousness and justice. 

SLAVERY 

While serving as a United States Senator in 1805, John Quincy 
Adams began his anti-slavery battle by seeking to impose a duty on 
the importation of slaves. From that time on up to 1820, when Clay 
succeeded in effecting the Missouri Compromise, Mr. Adams inces¬ 
santly labored to create public opinion against the continuation of 
the institution. He was not impressed favorably with the compro¬ 
mise by which Missouri was admitted, yet he voted therefore as the 
best result attainable in the existing state of public opinion and par¬ 
ticularly in view of the strength held by the Southern States. 

Maintenance of the Union unimpaired, was with him the para¬ 
mount issue. He was unwilling to risk the possibility of the secession 
of any part of the nation. He saw with grief the weakening of the 
South under the dominant curse of slavery. At the same time he 
beheld the development of states which had freed themselves of the 
curse, yet this did not fill him with unmixed joy for he saw more 
clearly than any man of his generation, that before final freedom came 
to the negro, the South would engage in a desperate conflict, and that 
in that final struggle the stability of the Republic would be tested 
as never before. But to him there was no such thing as shirking or 
quailing before the issue. It must be met bravely and serenely. 

When Andrew Jackson and his political adherents had prevented 
the re-election of John Quincy Adams, he retired from office phil¬ 
osophically resigned to the pursuits of private life. He had reached 
the summit of any possibile earthly ambition. He had a very sincere 
desire to spend his remaining years in literary and scientific activities. 
He was not, however, permitted so to do. Massachusetts demanded 
that he represent that state in Congress. Few thought that he would 
accept the call. But he did accept. It is not unreasonable to suppose, 
that \vith that foresight which was his to a high degree, he saw in 


244 


MAKING A NATION 


this call, that last great opportunity to serve the cause of freedom. 
He was elected by the almost unanimous vote of his district. 

In December, 1831, he took his seat in the House of Representa¬ 
tives. Though he endeavored to do so with simplicity, his appearance 
created a profound sensation throughout the country. No ex-presi¬ 
dent had ever before been a member of Congress. Before his political 
opponents realized the nature of his anti-slavery activities, he was 
received with every mark of distinction. They who had heaped upon 
him the vilest epithets, who had subjected him to intemperate abuse 
of every character in the presidential campaign, now seemingly sought 
to make amends by utmost kindness and deepest deference. That 
which they denied the President, they sincerely gave the man, the 
public servant, the patriot, the congressman! 

He was placed on important committees and so splendidly re¬ 
spected was he, that when he arose to speak, there was rarely a vacant 
seat in the chamber. At one time owung to the pressure of other 
duties, Mr. Adams expressed a strong desire to be relieved of the 
chairmanship of the committee on manufactures. The member from 
New York arose and said, “that he had reached the conclusion that 
the harmony, if not the existence of our confederacy, depends, at this 
crisis upon the arduous, prompt and patriotic efforts of a few eminent 
men.” The member from Virginia likewise made a sincere appeal, 
setting forth that the ability and patriotism of Mr. Adams “had ex¬ 
cited his highest admiration.” The subject of this Congressional con¬ 
fidence had no recourse but to remain at the post of duty. He carried 
with him to his duties as national legislator, those same habits of in¬ 
dustry that had marked his work in every position he had ever assumed. 
He took part in no discussion, took no stand on any policy, until he 
had thoroughly mastered the matter. His wide knowledge, vast ex¬ 
perience, incorruptibility, made him easily a leader of thought, re¬ 
spected and feared even by his opponents. 

Nominally elected as a Whig he never permitted partisanship to 
sway him where a principle was involved. He had but one guide as 
a national lawmaker, a conscientious regard for the good of all the 
people. Occasionally members of his own party found him lined 
up with the opposition. 


JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 


245 


After agreeing upon terms of indemnity the French Chamber of 
Deputies refused to appropriate the money to carry out the treaty. 
After every effort had been made, President Jackson ran out of 
patience, and in a message to Congress recomm.ended the issuance of 
letters of marque and reprisal and at the same time instructed our 
Minister to France, Mr. Edward Livingstone, to demand his pass¬ 
ports and proceed to London. This was a dangerous and radical 
though necessary procedure. 

The Whigs, to which party Adams belonged, were opposed to 
any step favorable to Andrew Jackson. That Jackson wanted a thing 
was in itself the best reason for defeating it. John Quincy Adams 
supported the President and in a speech said: “If we do not unite 
with the President of the United States in an effort to compel the 
French Chamber of Deputies to carry out the provisions of this treaty, 
w'e shall become the scorn, the contempt, the derision and the reproach 
of all mankind.” Answering those who stood for milder measures, he 
said: “Re-open negotiation with France? Doit. And soon you will 
find your flag insulted, dishonored and trodden in the dust by the 
pigmy states of Asia and Africa by the very banditti of the earth. 
The only negotiations, says the President of the United States, that he 
would encounter, should be at the cannon’s mouth!” As the orator 
sank into his seat the house shook with thunderous applause, the 
President was sustained, France recovered her senses and soon the 
incident became a part of the glorious history of our country. 

The time had arrived for the beginning of that phase of a career 
that put John Quincy Adams high up among the God marked men of 
Time. In their maddened and desperate struggle for the maintenance 
of slavery, men of the South were self pushed into trampling upon 
the Constitution of the United States. There stood in the pathway of 
their evil intent but one white haired old man, but he stood like a rock. 
Around him beat the fiercest passions which partisanship could loosen, 
threats of assassination dinned into his ears, former admirers fell 
away, like an infected leprous thing was he shunned, ostracism bit into 
him like the poison of a deadly reptile, but with soul inspired, his eyes 
saw only righteousness, and he calmly moved on, paving the way for 


246 


MAKING A NATION 


the victory, seeing the Promised Land, which he calmly knew time 
would not be given him, to enter, playing his part and fearing naught. 

As early as 1831 he had presented fifteen petitions from the 
Quakers of Pennsylvania for the abolition of the slave trade in the 
District of Columbia. He regarded this as a proper subject of Con¬ 
gressional action. He did not then come out openly for abolition in 
that section, as he did not deem the country sufficiently prepared for 
this step. The ultra abolitionists did not understand' him and were 
displeased. Mr. Adams at this time felt that deeper agitation of the 
issue might bring on disunion. He knew the South held the greatest 
power and that in any possible break that the North would suffer 
and in that condition would lose the power of winning the ultimate 
victory. He was willing to bide his time and lost no opportunity to 
direct and mould public opinion toward a desire for emancipation. 
Every step was carefully planned and though often hindered and 
obstructed, Mr. Adams plodded on, confident that in the final ad¬ 
justment, the people would approve. 

About 1836-7 the flood of petitions for the abolition of the slave 
trade and slavery Itself in the District of Columbia began to arouse 
the country. The constant demand of the multitude that Congress 
take action aroused great fear and apprehension in the South. South¬ 
ern public opinion swayed the big Democratic majority in Congress. 
Every eye was cast upon John Quincy Adams, through whom these 
petitions were usually presented. Such pronounced demonstrations 
lead the Southern Congressmen to arbitrary action. In an attempt 
to arrest the tide of a developing adverse public opinion, a committee 
was appointed to consider some radical disposition of these continual 
pleas for negro freedom. 

On May 18, 1836, the committee, headed by Pinckney of South 
Carolina, recommended the adoption of a resolution declaring that 
Congress had no constitutional authority to interfere with slavery, 
that it was necessary to arrest agitation and restore public tranquillity, 
concluding the resolution with the regulation that all memorials, res¬ 
olutions, propositions or papers relating to slavery “shall without being 
printed or referred to laid upon the table, and that no further action 
whatever shall be had thereon.” 


JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 


247 


Mr. Adams objected to the passage of the resolution claiming 
that it was a direct violation of the Constitution of the United States, 
of the rules of the House and of the sacred rights of his constituents. 
No protest availed. Desperation armed the Southern men with firm 
determination and the resolution was adopted by a large majority. 
Day after day petitions were received and by Mr. Adams as faith¬ 
fully offered for consideration of the House. 

Parrot-like the regular procedure was carried through. The 
petition would be presented. A member would arise, object to its 
reception. Another would move that the petition, without having 
been read be laid on the table. Invariably the motion to lay on the 
table prevailed. Mr. Adams gave notice that day by day he would 
call up the motion to receive such petition. Then on motion the 
chairman would rule Mr. Adams out of order as there was nothing 
before the House. He appealed from the decision of the speaker and 
the vote always went against him. 

On February 7, 1837, Adams tried to present a petition from 
eleven slaves of the state of Virginia. This was a novelty. The 
speaker of the House of Representatives was in a dilemma. He re¬ 
ferred the matter to the House. When it was noised about the Capitol 
that “old man eloquent” had dared to offer a document signed by 
black negro slaves, the excitement and indignation was terrific. The 
cry of “Treason!” was raised, another shouted “Put the old scoundrel 
out.” A resolution was offered “that he (Adams) be taken to the bar 
of the House, and he censured by the speaker thereof.” The Southern 
men got themselves ridiculously entangled in their mad desire to 
punish the man from Massachusetts, and no two could agree on any 
plan that seemed safe from their partisan point of view. They had 
assumed that a petition from slaves would of a certainty pray that 
slavery be abolished. These slaves had petitioned that slavery be not 
abolished and Mr. Adams calmly suggested that if he was to be brought 
to the bar of the House there to be censured for “the high crime and 
misdemeanor of presenting such petition of slaves for emancipation, 
the gentlemen would have to amend the resolution because the petition 
had prayed for the reverse. The House really broke into roars of 


248 


MAKING A NATION 


laughter because Adams had trapped his foes into a supremely ridiculous 
position. 

The members who had gotten in this fix brought on adjournment, 
leaving the matter wholly undecided. After several days of excited 
discussion, Congress decided that slaves had no Constitutional right of 
petition. It is claimed that the Southern members had themselves 
sent this petition to Mr. Adams to put him in a hole. He detected the 
ruse and swiftly and cunningly turned the tables against the plotters. 
They did not dare censure him! The country was thus being grad¬ 
ually aroused to Congressional injustice. Mr. Adams was always 
master of the occasion. 

December 20, 1838, Mr. Adams offered a resolution for the es¬ 
tablishment of interrelations with the Republic of Haiti and moved 
that it be referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. This motion 
was hotly opposed by members from slave holding states. Haiti 
was a Republic, ruled by black men. Southern Congressmen charged 
that Representative Adams had offered the resolution as a mere 
subterfuge to cloak an argument for abolition. Adams alleged that 
even if this were true he had a right to address the House, that every 
American citizen had a right to be an abolitionist if he so desired. 
That George Washington and other Government men of the Rev¬ 
olution were in favor of abolition. Wise, of Virginia, denied this, 
but Adams proved absolutely that this assertion was true by irrefutable 
historic data. The House refused to recognize Haiti and laid Adams’ 
motion on the table. 

Age could not sap his strength nor wither his moral and mental 
power. The urge of high resolve gave him the enthusiasm of youth 
and day and year in and out he blazed the pathway toward emancipa¬ 
tion. Opposition could not outwit his unconquerable purpose. He 
lived to see the tide of an overwhelming public opinion flowing to 
the sacred cause. 

His main purpose w^as to drive the South to open discussion. He 
issued the challenge that slavery was moral poison, that it blighted 
all it touched, that it contained in its folds the seed of its own ultimate 
dissolution, that it was unlawful and bereft of defense, that it violated 


JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 


249 


every principle of humanity, that it was in conflict with republican 
institution, that it made a living lie of the Declaration of Independence, 
that it had a baneful influence upon the veij^ section of the United 
States wherein it prevailed, that it threatened the stability of the 
Union and that it set at defiance a right granted by God himself. In 
the heat of the battle. Congressmen often ignored the respect due his 
age, his honorable and patriotic service, but he claimed no exemption. 
He was always willing to take a blow to give one. 

Considering the hour ripe, February 25, 1839, he proposed a 
resolution, the importance of which he thought would betray the 
opposition into discussion though he hardly dared hope for such a 
result. It was in the shape of a proposed amendment to the Con¬ 
stitution of the United States. In substance it intended to declare 
“that on and after July 4, 1842, there shall be throughout the United 
States, no hereditary slavery; but on and after that date every child 
born within the United States shall be born free, and that henceforth, 
with the exception of Florida, there shall henceforth never be ad¬ 
mitted into this Union any state which shall tolerate the existence 
of slavery and that after July 4, 1845, there shall neither be slavery 
nor slave trade at the seat of the Government of the United vStates.” 
Again the Congressmen from the slave-holding states objected to this 
question coming to open discussion in any form whatever. 

Here again the opposition sought to arrest his course and seal 
his lips. In vain was assassination threatened, often he was informed 
that he would suffer expulsion, that he would be indicted before the 
Grand Jury of the District of Columbia. One Southern member 
exclaimed “we shall yet see him within the walls of the penitentiary.” 
Said he, “Do the gentlemen from the South think that they can 
frighten me by their threats? If that be their object they have mis¬ 
taken their man. I am not to be frightened from the performance 
of a sacred duty by their indignation, by their violence nor by all the 
Grand Juries in the universe.” 

After these many years of matchless effort, in 1845* the obnoxious 
“gag rule” was rescinded and Congress consented to receive and treat 
with respectful consideration all petitions on the subject of slavery. 


250 


MAKING A NATION 


At length the seal was broken and the slimy reproach crawled out into 
the light of open day and national discussion. 

With the offering of this Constitutional Amendment, John 
Quincy Adams had reached the limit of his service. This seed, like all 
others, which he sowed required time to ripen. There were to be not 
many years left to this faithful servant of God and man, but the 
seed had been implanted, had taken deep root, so that when he laid 
down to rest from arduous toil, others would lift up the banner 
reluctantly laid down, and press onward, under the inspiration of his 
great deeds, to final victory. 

Then after him came William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, 
Harriet Beecher Stowe and finally Abraham Lincoln, who, within 
twenty-five years from the date of that proposed Constitutional 
Amendment signed the Proclam.ation of Emancipation, thereby giving 
freedom to three million slaves, vindicating every successive act in 
the abolition drama so bravely initiated by the immortal Adams. 

Just about the hour that Mr. Adams had presented his proposed 
amendment to Congress, Abraham Lincoln had witnessed an auction 
sale of slaves at New Orleans. As a boy he then had said, “If I 
ever get a chance, Em going to whack slavery on the head.” In 
Lincoln’s act, Adams’ dream of freedom had been made to come true. 

Whatever may have been the course adopted by Southern men 
toward John Quincy Adams while Representative of Massachusetts in 
Congress, the great mass of the people revered and respected him, as 
a tour of many cities proved, during which he received every attention 
and public appreciation. 

Approaching the close of his Congressional career and life, John 
Quincy Adams was called upon to render a service, which, standing 
alone, would have, upon his brow, stamped the seal of immortal fame. 
The so-called Christian nations, England, Spain, Holland had erected 
churches and cathedrals in which to honor and worship a great and 
good God. They, however, legalized a traffic in the lives and fortunes 
of human beings whose only crime was that nature had given them 
skins of black. They were inoffiensive and lived in a land of dark¬ 
ness, incapable of defense. Here they were set upon by armed bandits 


JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 


251 


and pirates, beaten into subjection, torn from loved ones and chained, 
beaten and starved, were transported far beyond mysterious seas, sold 
to become “hewers of wood and drawers of water,” for those, w’ho, 
with gold, could pay the price. 

America, in spite of the Declaration of Independence concerning 
man’s equality before the law, had continued to recognize the in¬ 
stitution of slavery. Our country had been a profitable market for 
the dealer in human slaves. 

A Spanish captain following the prevailing custom, tempted 
doubtless by so profitable a cargo, had proceeded to the coast of 
Africa, had captured a number of black men and had started on his 
voyage to America. It does not require a vivid imagination to picture 
the cruelty, the malignant treatment horrifyingly endured by these 
frightened savages. The roystering captain, the rum soaked crew, the 
vermin, the lack of food, the nauseating sickness of huddled men who 
knew not the raging sea. They were smuggled into Cuba and sold to 
two Spaniards who tried to ship them to another portion of the 
island. 

In the dead hour of midnight, in frightened whispers, the black 
slaves planned salvation. They had courage, these slaves, courage 
born of desperation and despair. At length they mutinied. With bare 
hands they killed the captain and most of the crew, sparing only the 
two Spanish owners. They were sufficiently cunning to spare these 
two, whom they ordered to set sail for Africa. But a storm arose 
and after w^ary weeks of tossing about, at the mercy of wild and un¬ 
governable winds, the ship, Anisted, was blown into an American 
port. 

The Spanish ambassador promptly claimed the slaves as the 
property of the two Spaniards, demanding they be removed to Cuba 
where they might be prosecuted for piracy and murder. The case 
was rapidly heard in the District Court of Connecticut and then 
these negroes were put on trial before the United States District 
on appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States. 

The prisoners were in an unknown land. They knew not its 
language. They had no money, they were utterly without friends. A 


252 


MAKING A NATION 


wave of unutterable pity swept over the land. Humanity was touched 
as it never was before. The people seemed to feel that, as David 

in days of old, had been cast up out of the multitude to defend 

Israel, so in this great emergency some individual would arise to 
stand between these black slaves, and the oft time vindictive majesty 
of the law. 

There was such a man. He had appeared before the Czar of 

Russia, the King of Prussia. He had seen Napoleon when he re¬ 

turned in brief triumph from Elba. He had stood with representative 
simplicity before kings of England. He had walked fearlessl)'^ before 
all men, had tasted high favor but never before had he put the blush 
of shame to evil as he did, when he stood beside these black savages 
before the Supreme Court, the noblest tribunal on earth, and plead 
the sacred cause of these black slaves. 

For seventy-four busy years he had diligently served but the 
body that had become bent stood straight like an arrow, the eye 
that had dimmed shone with lustre. The voice that had become 
weak rang out like the clear tones of a perfect bell. Always supremely 
eloquent, filled as he now was with the sublime inspiration of a 
mighty cause, he surpassed the most glorious achievement of his 
brilliant life. While the facts of the case warranted an appeal to 
human sympathy he did not depend alone upon an appeal to the 
emotions. He delved deep into the law as applied to the facts, proving 
that even the Supreme Court had no constitutional authority for 
turning back into slavery these black men who had gained their free¬ 
dom in a primal appeal to the right of self defense, as against those 
who had themselves committed an offense against the law of nations. 

He had long left behind him the actual practice of the details 
of legal procedure. He apologized to the learned court for his 
ignorance of its rules, but he did not deviate from the fundamental 
principles of law and justice and his efforts were crowned with 
victory! The slaves were freed. Had the case been decided against 
them. President Van Buren had decided to ship them to Cuba and 
deliver them to the Spanish authorities and to certain condemnation 
and execution, without even the semblance of a fair trial. They were 


JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 


253 


finally sent back to their native land. Doubtless the story of that 
white haired defender was, by those rescued negroes, handed down 
as a sacred memory to succeeding generations of these Africans who 
had been saved from a fate worse than death itself. 


MEXICO 

While in Congress the Mexican embroglio occurred in 1835. 
Mexico had declared against slavery. The Texas portion, legitimately 
in Mexico’s possession, had been settled largely by those who emi¬ 
grated from Southern and Southwestern states. In defiance of Mex¬ 
ican law, these Americans had carried their slaves into this free 
territory. Under color of resisting Santa Anna, President of Mexico, 
in alleged project of usurpation, an insurrection was incited. The 
evidence is more than complete to sustain the charge that below 
the surface was a desire to annex to the United States this vast area 
from Mexico on any pretext and extend slavery and with it the 
power and prestige of the South. It was even claimed then, Monroe 
and John Quincy Adams had erred in defining boundaries when 
Spain ceded Florida to the United States that it was the intent that 
territory comprised in Texas was really ceded, but John Quincy 
Adams proved that General Jackson himself had investigated and 
approved the m.ap, though Jackson stoutly denied the assertion. 

There is no question but that the United States through the fire 
eating military President Jackson wanted Texas, that our troops 
aided the Texans, that in spite of professed ( ?) neutrality our nation 
took advantage of the conditions, stood idly by when men and means 
w’ere rushed into the conflict, and Texas was wrested from Mexico, 
established a mock independence to cloak the later design and through 
political intrigue, was admitted into the Union. 

It is needless to say that slavery was incorporated into the Con¬ 
stitution of Texas. Mr. Adams took his stand for right and justice. 
“I hope Congress will take care to go into no war for the re-estab¬ 
lishment of slavery where it has been abolished, and that it will go 
into no war with a foreign power without other cause than the ac- 


254 


MAKING A NATION 


quisition of territory.” Again he said, “This is a war between 
slavery and emancipation and every possible elfort has been made to 
drive us into the war on the side of slaverj^” 

In 1836, he opposed a resolution which sought to recognize the 
independence of Texas. He was right. This was the first time we had 
put our seal of approval on conflict for power and lands. Like slavery, 
it was a sin we could not wash away. 

John Quincy Adams towered above his compeers. Monroe, who 
preceded him as president, was not his mental or moral equal. Monroe 
was not constructive. He created no strong polic)^, pursued no big 
ideal. Henry Clay equalled Adams only in eloquence because Clay 
was not always moved by highest impulse. General Andrew Jackson, 
who defeated Adams for re-election, was a rough soldier, transformed 
into an aspirant for place and power. Adams stood for finest things 
in public service. Jackson’s motto was in politics as in war, “to the 
victor belongs the spoils.” No president before or since ever swept 
out of office so many political opponents nor replaced them with so 
many of his own henchmen. 

John Quincy Adams shone with rare lustre in every capacity. 
As a scholar he was learned and profound. As a diplomat he suc¬ 
ceeded in his negotiations with the greatest statesmen of his genera¬ 
tion. His career as a legislator was marked by pre-eminent ability and 
lo)^alty to the general good. As executive his course was ideal. He 
busied himself with the nation’s complicated affairs, leaving partisan 
politics to the sweating conniving politicians. His fight for emancipa¬ 
tion excited the unstinted admiration of the world. Above and be¬ 
yond all his private life, his personal conduct was unblemished. He 
was a kindly Christian gentleman. No man who lived before or since 
exceeded him in the quality of his loyalty to his country’s ideals. 

Senator Benton of Missouri, in an eulogy before the United 
States Senate said in part: “Punctual to every duty, death found 
him at the post of duty and where else could it have found him, 
at any stage of his career for the fifty years of his illustrious life? From 
the time of his first appointment by Washington to his last election 
by the people of his native towm where could death have found him 


JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 


255 


but at the post of duty. At that post in the fulness of age, in the 
ripeness of renown. Crowned with honors and in the very presence 
of the national representatives he has been gathered to his fathers, 
leaving behind him the memory of public services which are the 
history of his country for one half a century, and the example of a 
life, public and private, which should be the study and the model of 
the generations of his countrymen.” President Polk issued a proclama¬ 
tion calling on the nation at large to suspend business that public 
honor might be done the memory of this great though humble Amer¬ 
ican citizen. 

In an eulogy delivered before the Legislature of New York, 
William H. Seward paid among other tributes the following to John 
Quincy Adams: “The distinguishing characteristic of his life were 
beneficence, labor and personal contentment. He never sought wealth 
but devoted himself to the service of mankind, yet by the practice of 
frugality and method he secured the enjoyment of dealing forth con¬ 
tinually no stinted charities and died in affluence. He never solicited 
place or preferment, he had no partisan combinations or connections, 
yet he received honors which eluded the covetous grappling of those 
who formed parties, rewarded friends and prescribed enemies, and 
he filled a longer period of varied service than ever fell to the lot 
of any other citizen. He generalized truth and traced it always to 
its source, the bosom of God. He rested the inviolability of the right 
of petition not on constitution or charters which might be glossed, 
abrogated or expunged, but in the inherent right of every animate 
creature to pray to its superior. If you ask then what motive en¬ 
abled him to rise above parties, sects, combining, prejudices, passions 
and seductions, I answer that he served his country not alone because 
that country was his own but because he knew her duties and her 
destiny and knew her cause was the cause of human nature.” 

I maintain that there is not in all America a hundred per cent 
boy or girl who can read my story of the high spots only of the life 
of John Quincy Adams without a thrill of pride, without a deep and 
abiding inspiration. He does not belong to his native state, Massa¬ 
chusetts, nor to the Union, nor to the world alone, nor to humanity 


256 


MAKING A NATION 


solely. He is ours by inheritance. What he did, we, you and I can do. 
H is life proves that service is the noblest attribute of humans. It 
may not be given unto all of us such limitless opportunity to serve in 
high place, but American citizenship carries wondrous privilege and 
grave responsibility. To underestimate the value of American citizen¬ 
ship is equally as wrong as to shirk its responsibilities. With honest 
purpose and high resolve strive to emulate John Quincy Adams 
whether fate calls you to highest labors or sets your feet in humble 
paths. The true test is fidelity to the ideals of service. To such, 
death is but the sunrise of the eternal morning. The spirit presses 
on forever to inspire generations yet unborn. Such souls exhale a 
rapture which is as the perfum.e of rare roses. 


Andrew Jackson 


T he pathway was devious, though the place to be attained 
was dazzling. Achievement outran ambition. By defeating 
John Quincy Adames, Old Hickory, Andrew Jackson, became 
President of the United States. The campaign of 1827, which un¬ 
doubtedly met with the approval of Jackson, was the vilest which ever 
disgraced the political history of our country. From 1825 to the day 
of election, Jackson had cunningly contrived not only to deprive 
Adams of every vestige of Congressional co-operation, but had shrew’-dly 
transformed both House and Senate into a forum for partisan pub¬ 
licity to be used solely for the advancement of his own political 
fortunes. Public business suffered criminal neglect, in order that 
Congress and through it, the nation, might be enlightened (?) with 
stump speeches, favoring Jackson’s candidacy. Everything which 
unscrupulous minds could concoct, was manipulated to discredit John 
Quincy Adams in the eye of the voters of the country. One of 
Jackson’s printed handbills contained a picture of Adams in the act 
of horsewhipping a crippled soldier who had asked for aid. A story 
was circulated that Adams was short in his official accounts with the 
Government. He was charged with being favorable to Monarchy, 
that his wife was an Englishwoman, that he once wrote a poem 
against Thomas Jefferson, that he had drawn great sums from the 
National Treasury, that he was an aristocrat, that he was an exces¬ 
sively rich man, that he was too scholarly, that he had put a billiard 
table in the white house at public expense, that he was friendly to 
Henry Clay, who was a duellist, that he had sent men out to elec¬ 
tioneer for him who were drawing pay from the government. Out¬ 
side of these mere trifles, his opponents were willing to admit that 
he was a fairly good citizen. 

Adams was urged by his partisans to make similar warfare against 
his foes. He refused upon the theory that such a method was not in 
keeping with the honor and dignity of the position which he occupied. 
He ignored the opportunity to build up an administration machine. 


258 


MAKING A NATION 


Some of the very men who abused him most heartily were holding 
office under him. Though he was warned, he removed no man who 
otherwise was efficient in the work in the public service. Some of the 
Adams’ supporters were not so scrupulous. They charged Jackson, 
in speeches, pamphlets, and public newspapers with being an ignorant 
bully, a murderous duellist, with having lived in adultery, with pos¬ 
sessing unalloyed military ambitions and with many other offenses, 
including shady transactions of endless variety. It was deeply un¬ 
fortunate, but much of this matter against Jackson was true. When 
the character and life of Jackson comes under careful analysis we 
cannot but recall what Shakespeare puts into the mouth of the crafty 
Cassius who, in talking to the noble Brutus, thus describes Julius 
Caesar: 

“Ye Gods, it doth amaze me, 

That a man of such feeble stature 

Should so get the start of this majestic world, 

And bear the palm alone!” 

The Revolution and the quarter of a century that followed de¬ 
veloped striking opportunities and great men. Of all the men elevated 
to the Presidency, Andrew Jackson was the one man who did not 
respond and expand under that limitless responsibility into undimmed 
and untarnished moral might. Power intoxicated him. Authority 
incited him to excesses of fury and violence and often lead him to 
defy m dangerous ways, the very Constitution, he had sacredly sworn 
to uphold. Yet so skillfully had public opinion been shaped in his 
behalf, that he became a popular idol and had little difficulty, even 
after a stormy first term, in being re-elected to serve a second term. 

He had less education than that possessed by any man who was 
ever called to rule the nation. He had no political principles. Though 
a lawyer he knew no law and had no clients. Chance made him 
master of an army but he was not skilled in military science. He 
fought but few battles, and these against inferior forces, but in spite 
of this, he gained great fame as a soldier. His greatest claim to 
distinction was in those matters wherein he defied constituted authority 
and disobeyed the direct orders of his superiors. In less lucky men 


ANDREW JACKSON 


259 


this would have been treason and its penalty death. To him it meant 
popular approval and great honor. He quarreled with friend and 
foe alike. He took the law into his own hands and in defiance of 
judicial authority he executed many men on his sole judgment. He 
knew nothing of the science of finance but he undertook to break 
down the industrial and financial system of the country under which 
the nation had prospered. He fought the system of national internal 
improvements. He was friendly to that group of politicians who were 
willing to nullify acts of Congress and yet in a moment of freakiness 
arising from personal dislikes, he killed Nullification when It poked 
its ugly head In South Carolina and practically spanked his former 
political supporters Into temporary submission. He betrayed his 
friends and bitterly punished his enemies. He removed hundreds 
from office solely because they diflFered from him in political opinion. 
Passion, not judgment, ruled his life. Any party may claim him 
without objection from me. I consider him and all he stood for 
the most baneful Influence in American public life. I said he killed 
Nullification. That was the one high spot in his whole colorful life. 
This act however was not Inspired by love for the Union but had 
its main motive In an intense hatred of John C. Calhoun, the father 
of Nullification. The great Southern commoner was supremely in 
favor of States rights and its forerunner. Nullification, and that fact 
was sufficient In itself to throw Jackson into the opposite camp. I 
doubt If he really knew why, but he was an opponent of George 
Washington. Such an attitude resulted In all probability from the 
fact that it was the fashion for the lawless men of his class and kind 
to hate steadfastness and public virtue. He was of the group of 
men who were originally in the Aaron Burr net. He was In entire 
sympathy with poor (?) persecuted (?) Burr and denounced Jefferson 
publicly for the part Jefferson played In the prosecution of Burr, for 
the crime of High Treason. His backers reduced propaganda to an 
exact science and through It cunningly and deftly created, out of this 
rough, brutal, violent man, a popular hero. 

Where his passions or his personal enmities were concerned, he 
was like a rock beyond change. In such matters, his mind, once 


260 


MAKING A NATION 


formed, became immovable. Otherwise he was putty. His secret, 
not official cabinet, used him and his passions and prejudices and 
his high office to increase the power of the machine in order that 
they might force their will and projects upon the country. Thus 
they increased Jackson’s prestige and strengthened their own personal 
power. It was not apparent through Jackson’s two terms as Presi¬ 
dent, for a horde of subservient officeholders and a paid press kept 
the truth from the public eye, but it was Andrew Jackson who undid 
Democracy and who gave to his political heir, Martin Van Buren, 
a legacy of evil which could not be overcome and which paved the 
way for the development of the real Republican party, so long in 
control of the government. 

John Quinc)^ Adams, virtuous, modest, high minded, trained in 
every branch of the public service, who wore no man’s collar, whose 
intelligent patriotism had stood every test, was crucified upon the 
altar of partisan expediency and ambition, while this unmoral, swag¬ 
gering, braggart, duellist, this political huckster was lionized, petted, 
idolized, almost deified, thrust into the place of his betters and licensed 
to defy the law and bully the people, given unchecked authority to 
prostitute the highest honor that could be conferred upon a human. 
“Oh, judgment, though art fled to brutish breasts, and men have 
lost their reason.” The most vital commentary on mass unwisdom 
is found in the fact that a majority of the people were like sheep driven 
from Adams the clean, to Jackson, the unclean. In every station of 
life he was like the village bully who whipped a fellow half his size 
and then went strutting about boasting over his courageous exploit! 
In spite of all this spotlight activity a man once pulled Jackson’s 
nose and lived to tell the tale. Andrew fumed a bit, frothed at the 
mouth some, perhaps hired a few of his friends to hold him so he 
could not get at his insulter, but the books tell us that this inconsiderate 
person escaped scott free in spite of the sacrilegious manner in which 
he handled the Jacksonian nasal organ. 

It is not necessary for the purpose of my study to go into the 
ancestry of Andrew Jackson. His earlier years were spent on the 
frontiers. His associates were rough, rude, violent, primitive, lawless 


ANDREW JACKSON 


261 


men. Schools were as rare as churches and where found, reflected 
prevailing conditions. Capacity for drinking hard liquor and the 
prompt and effective use of gun or pistol were the highest marks of 
honor and distinction. I shudder at the possible fate of a Volstead 
in such society ruled by such a state of public opinion. A bootlegger, 
the real Croesus of today would have starved. A man who refused 
to fight a duel on any pretext would have been banished into the 
wilderness or ostracized. The favorite indoor sport of the people 
was to steal land and horses from the Indians and shoot the red men 
if protest was offered. That citizen was indeed of marked distinc¬ 
tion, who during the first years of our national independence could 
discover new ways or means*of showing contempt and disrespect for 
national authority. A very pretty legend was current among Jackson’s 
admirers that he was wounded when a youth because he pluckily 
refused to polish the boots of an English officer. As he grew up he 
was gay, rollicking, careless, fond of horse racing, an adept at cock 
fighting, worked overtime in picking quarrels and in fighting upon 
the slightest pretext. 

gtacrmtf' 

Colonial society was well established and modelled largely after 
that of England. Large landed proprietors predominated in influence. 
Estates passed as under the common law of England to the eldest 
born son. Younger sons with slender fortunes were either submerged 
in church service or thrust out into professional life. Trade or 
industry was held degrading and fit only for the lower orders of 
society. As the revolution progressed, as the elder Colonies formed 
new constitutions and altered legal codes and adopted differing meth¬ 
ods of procedure, great volumes of litigation followed. No calling 
offered higher rewards than the profession of the law. Almost every 
well bred younger son felt it incumbent upon him to gain admission 
to the bar. Many knew no law. Few had briefs. Others became 
leaders of public thought and were elevated to high place, becoming 
eminent citizens rendering conspicuous service to state or nation. 

Jackson and two brothers were captured by the British. The 
two brothers were killed and he was made a prisoner. This was the 
inherent cause of that intense hatred of all things British, which 


262 


MAKING A NATION 


marked his entire life and influenced his every act toward the Crowm. 
He started to learn the humble trade of saddler. This proved dis¬ 
tasteful and in 1784 he turned his attention to the law^ at Saulisbury, 
North Carolina. The facts concerning him at this time are meagre. 
The fact that he made but little progress is proven in that later he 
tried farming and still later became a shopkeeper. He failed in these 
tw'O enterprises. In 1788 Judge McNairy of the Superior Court for 
the Western Division of Tennessee appointed Jackson public prose¬ 
cutor. Court causes w’ere numerous and lawyers were overwhelmed 
with clients and cases at bar. Money was scarce and personal actions 
were almost unrestrained by law’ or order. Upon the public prose¬ 
cutor devolved a difficult task. It was his duty to introduce law’ and 
order, compel fulfilment of contracts and to bring about a recognition 
of moral and legal obligations in this new’-born society. The Western 
counties of North Carolina were in open defiance. This rebellion 
culminated in the lawless attempt to organize the new’ state of Frank¬ 
lin. The inhabitants were bold, turbulent and open conflict seemed 
Imminent. Truth is, Jackson acquitted himself in this office w’ith 
some credit. While his know’ledge of law was sadly deficient, he 
had courage. He had the fighting spirit of the primal man. He pur¬ 
sued law’ breakers grimly and w’ithout fear and brought out of con¬ 
fusion, anarchy and rebellion, some respect for law’ and order. He 
was never consistent, but he had vigor and virility and he just w’alked 
through opposition and tamed rebellion with iron hand and w’ill. He 
w^as reappointed by George Washington in 1791, at w’hich time 
Tennessee was ceded by North Carolina to the United States. Wash¬ 
ington appointed Jackson solely because he w’as of the opinion that 
Jackson had done acceptable public service. Jackson showed his ap¬ 
preciation later by joining the enemies of the nation’s first President 
and participated in the vile attempts to bring dishonor upon the name 
of Washington. 

At this time Jackson lived with the Widow Donelson. Her 
daughter Rachel w’as w’edded to Lewis Robards. The latter was a 
bad man. He had married Rachel in Kentucky under the law’s of 
Virginia. The law-s of Virginia did not provide for divorce. It w’as 


ANDREW JACKSON 


263 


claimed that Jackson lived with Mrs. Robards, after her desertion 
by her husband who petitioned the Legislature of Virginia for a 
divorce. The Legislature authorized the Supreme Court of Ken¬ 
tucky to try the case on its merits and if the facts alleged were proved, 
to grant a divorce. Robards remained silent for two years. In 1793 
he got his divorce, but Jackson, impatient of restraint, married Mrs. 
Robards two years previous. In justice to Jackson it must be said 
that hearing about the technical illegality of his marriage, he re¬ 
married Mrs. Jackson in 1794. This matrimonial entanglement 
pursued him at every stage of his career. He acted in this matter 
as he did in all others. What he wanted he took, and he took it 
when it suited him, regardless of consequences either to himself or 
to others. Mrs. Jackson was a fine woman, absolutely guiltless of 
wrong and there was absolutely no justification for any attack upon 
her good name. The fault lay with Jackson who put her in a 
position where malice might wound and she was never spared by 
the dirty politicians who hurt him through a pure and decent wife. 
He was however very loyal and devoted. He fought duels to protect 
her good nam.e. He revolutionized the social life of the capital when 
contemptible snobs refused to recognize her as the First Lady of 
the Land. This devotion to the woman he had wronged was one of 
the brightest spots of his masterful life. His devotion never faltered 
and in life and in death he cherished her memory with singular 
fidelity. The unprincipled politicians of that day broke the heart of 
a good woman to strike at her husband who had climbed to high 
place. I don’t know that we have improved greatly since that day 
and generation. It is still the marvel of right thinking minds how 
far and fast a political lie will travel. 

We now find Adr. Jackson going into various ventures. One 
of these was a huge land speculation which involved him greatly and 
out of which he crept with wings badly scorched. He fought a duel 
in 1795 with a legal antagonist over words which displeased him, 
uttered in the progress of a law suit. He had a desperate row with 
Judge McNairy w'ho had originally appointed him public prosecutor. 
In 1805 he fought another duel with Charles Dickinson, said to have 


264 


MAKING A NATION 


been over slighting remarks concerning Mrs. Jackson. In this duel 
Jackson was badly wounded and Dickinson died. 

Jackson had a peculiar and mysterious connection with Aaron 
Burr, although at no time does it appear that Jackson had any real 
knowledge of treasonable designs on the part of Burr. Burr hesi¬ 
tated fully to confide in Jackson. He wanted to use the rough old 
soldier and feared to reveal the true nature of his plans. During 
Jackson’s short term in Congress he had met Aaron Burr. He had 
known Burr as Vice-President and regarded him as a man of great 
distinction and ability. In 1805 Burr induced Jackson to contract 
to deliver to him a number of boats for an expedition down the 
Mississippi river. This did not appear extraordinary to Jackson. 
The right to the navigation of the Mississippi had not been settled 
beyond a doubt by the Louisiana purchase. Men had ever at that 
time discussed and planned filibustering projects. The scheme offered 
romantic adventure and Jackson did not suspent Burr of any design 
that meant evil to the country. Nor did the evidence adduced at 
the trial of Burr reveal just what had been his real plan. The quick 
rise of Napoleon had fired the imagination of many men other than 
Burr. It is highly likely that Burr did not know himself the extent 
to which any plan he undertook might carry him. He had many 
men committed to him who were in high place. Burr did write 
crafty letters to others calculated to create the Impression that Jackson 
was fully with him. Jackson, neither deep nor profound, was clearly 
puzzled by the cunning Burr. He finally made his position cruelly 
and bluntly clear, that he was absolutely against Burr if the latter 
planned any treason against the nation. Some unguarded word that 
had fallen from Burr aroused the suspicion of the simple-minded Jack- 
son and saved him from being fully drawn into the Burr net. Jackson 
wrote to Campbell, a member of Congress, setting forth his suspicions, 
though he did not openly accuse Burr. I can never explain to myself 
why he should not have accused Burr nor why Jackson should have 
attended the trial at Richmond and have given evidence in Burr’s 
hehalf, but he did. It is quite certain that one noted man. General 
Wilkinson, who was in the plot with Burr, betrayed him as far as he 


ANDREW JACKSON 


265 


could and there were others in high place who abandoned Burr as 
soon as it seemed likely that he would be accused and be compelled 
to stand trial on the charge of treason. Some historians explain 
Jackson’s stand in favor of Burr as due to an implacable hatred he 
had for Thomas Jefferson. The country knew that Jefferson desired 
above all things that Burr be convicted of high treason and hating 
Jefferson was motive enough to put Jackson in the opposite camp. 
He really had no policy. Once he hated a man, nothing could change 
him. With him it was passion and impulse as against coolness and 
reason. 

From 1806 to 1811 Jackson pursued agricultural activities. We 
next hear of a notorious difficulty with Silas Dinsmore, the Indian 
agent of the government. The country was having all kinds of 
trouble over matters arising out of negro slavery. Dinsmore estab¬ 
lished a regulation which required a passport for all slaves who were 
taken through his territory. Summers’ history of Jackson claims that 
he was engaged in the slave traffic. Jackson on one occasion slipped 
through without such passport during the absence of the Agent. 
Dinsmore protested against this violation of the rule. Jackson took 
the matter up with Congressman Campbell and between them they 
had sufficient political influence to bring about the suspension of 
Dinsmore and his final dismissal. Dinsmore went down into poverty 
and disgrace, his only crime being a devotion to duty as a public 
official. They did this covertly and secretly. It was not until many 
years later that Dinsmore had the proof that Jackson had caused him 
the loss of his position and the means whereby to live. He sought later 
to effect a reconciliation with Jackson but was repulsed in a most 
brutal manner by this man of passion who never forgave a foe. 

Serious trouble with the Creek Indians arose and inspired the 
leadership of two great Red men, Tecumseh and Weatherford. The 
Legislature of Tennessee authorized the appropriation of money to 
buy arms and create an army to fight the Indians. Jackson was in 
bed at the time, confined there from wounds received in one of his 
duels, this time with Benton. Until this event Jackson was almost 
an unknown personage at Washington. It was not very long after 


266 


MAKING A NATION 


this that the Capital rang with dissension concerning Jackson. In one 
sense this Creek war was a miserable affair. It was noted for petty 
quarrels among the officers. The army was poorly equipped and 
badly provisioned and there was great insubordination among the 
ranks. Jackson went to the extreme measure of using one part of 
his troops for the purpose of preventing the other from abandoning 
camp. Here, where an autocratic iron will was needed, he was at 
his very best. He managed his men with energ}^, tempered by fine 
tact. His operations against the enemy were well planned and 
executed in the main with quickness and success. His will to stamp 
out and crush opposition made him a good military leader, though 
his ability in this direction was never put to any high test. He could 
never have had the sublime patience to endure a winter at Valley 
Forge. The Creek war lasted but little over half a year. The Red 
men w’ere decisively beaten, humiliated and scattered. Peace was 
declared and with it finally terminated any future fear in the South¬ 
west. Jackson’s victory in this campaign laid the foundation for his 
future popularity with the American people. He was not yet fifty 
years old. In 1814 he was appointed a Brigadier General in the Army 
of the United States, commanding the department of the South. He 
took command and established headquarters at Mobile. 

The war with England was in progress and we had suffered great 
disaster in the Eastern and middle parts of the country. An attack 
on New Orleans was threatened at any hour. English troops had 
burned the Capitol and the President and Cabinet and other Important 
officials of the government had fled to avoid capture. The country 
seemed doomed to face a great national tragedy. With a small force, 
Jackson stormed and captured Pensacola, whereupon he proceeded to 
New Orleans where he anticipated an attack by the British troops. 
This city was largely peopled by foreigners and so he immediately and 
rigorously set in motion martial law and after minor operations began 
to forty the city against the onslaught of the enemy. He inspired 
great energy and enthusiasm among the troops. They seemed willing 
to follow him implicitly. The English army was composed of well- 
trained regulars, they were well provisioned, but they were led by 


ANDREW JACKSON 


267 


incompetent officers. Luck favored the Americans at every turn. 
The English took the wrong road, issued conflicting orders, they 
fired into each other and especially were they misled by designedly 
false rumors and they neglected the commonest precautions. The 
defence works of the Americans, largely behind bales of cotton, were 
practically unharmed, while the English were battered to atoms. 
January 8, 1815, the enemy made its grand attack, were repulsed 
with incredible losses, while officers and men were slaughtered like 
sheep. 

The English m.ade slight gains on the West side of the Mississippi 
river, but Jackson charged with his usual fury and violence and drove 
them from their position and gained a decisive victory. The British 
loss was over 2000 while the A^mericans suffered only a loss of seven 
killed and six wounded. Before the British had recovered sufficient 
courage to renew their attack, peace was declared. But for the 
success of our arms at New Orleans we would have encountered great 
difficulty in settling upon terms of peace with England, for the 
latter nation was bent on demanding its “pound of flesh.” Jackson 
had accomplished much more than appears upon the surface. He had 
had but little national aid or co-operation but in spite of this he had 
whipped a superior foe. He had humbled those alleged statesmen 
who adopted the policy of maintaining national prestige without army 
or navy. In two years Jackson had leaped from comparative obscurity 
to national popularity. He became the idol of the masses. His 
success in- a small field of action, wherein there was but little oppor¬ 
tunity to exhibit the power of military genius, had created a far- 
reaching effect. It made foreign nations respect the prowess of Ameri¬ 
can arms and from the result of the battle of New Orleans the 
nations of the world began to respect and take into consideration the 
rights of the United States as a member of the family of nations. 

This was all splendid. On but feeble deeds, Jackson became more 
than popular. Right after the war, however, he was guilty of an act 
which shows how supremely lawless he was and how untouched he 
could be at times by gentle human emotion. A difference of opinion 
arose over the terms of enlistment at Fort Jackson. About two 


268 


MAKING A NATION 


hundred of the men, thinking their time was up, and being hard up 
for food rations, broke into the supply house, abstracted food and 
marched home without leave. Jackson had six of the ring leaders 
put on trial before a court martial. Through his influence they were 
found guilty and by the orders of Jackson, they were executed imme¬ 
diately. Rigorous military law doubtless gave to Jackson a technical 
right to impose this cruel and barbarous sentence. But the war was 
over. There was some reasonable ground to think that the general 
was needlessly harsh in imposing the death penalty on men who had 
fought bravely and honorably when the nation was in peril. For 
my own part I am of the opinion that technicality does not cover 
murder even if that heinous crime should be camouflaged under the 
plea of military necessity. 

About this time the impulsive soldier came in direct conflict with 
the courts. He wantonly set aside a Habeas Corpus writ issued by a 
United States District Court Judge and absolutely HAD THE 
TEMERITY TO ARREST THAT JUDICIAL OFFICER. He 
forcibly took the original writ from the records. His soldiers bull¬ 
dozed and escorted the Judge for a distance of a few miles from town 
and then released him. This Judge was no cowardly weakling. As 
soon as he got back to Court the Judge ordered Andrew Jackson 
to appear before him to show cause why he should not be punished 
for contempt of court, which the Judge had a right to do under the 
law. Andrew took counsel with himself and felt it might be rather 
unsafe to go too far with the judiciary of the United States, so he 
made his appearance. Jackson tried to brave it out and to justify 
his lawless act, but his honor would not recede. He fined the military 
martinet $iooo. General Jackson paid the fine, rather than go to 
jail, where Judge Hall most assuredly would have committed him 
had he made default in payment of the fine. To the shame of Con¬ 
gress and to the utter disgrace of Jackson he bulldozed Congress 
in 1844 to repay the fine to him with interest from that date. I 
know of no incident in American political history so shameful as this 
which presented the spectacle of the national legislative body showing 
contempt for faithful performance of duty and putting a premium on 
lawlessness in public service. 


ANDREW JACKSON 


269 


Jackson began at this time to interest himself in public affairs. 
Few sought, but many received his advice. From county coroner to 
President of the country he wrote voluminous letters, recommending 
men to public office or opposing others. Fie became a sort of official 
Pooh Bah to public men. He was beginning to stretch his political 
legs and feel his great importance. On April 22, 1817, he issued an 
order directed to his department, forbidding his subordinates to obey 
an order of the War Department unless the same was issued through 
him. Here again he might have been technically right, but just the 
slightest diplomacy or the exercise of the slightest spirit of conciliation 
would have obviated public discussion and harmful friction. As soon 
as John C. Calhoun became Secretary of War he conceded the point 
raised by Jackson, insisting only upon a contrary proceedure in case 
of quick emergency. General Scott, a brother officer, had character¬ 
ized Jackson’s order to his department as mutiny. Jackson wrote a 
scurrilous letter to General Scott. The latter did not see fit to agree 
with Jackson and the fussy General challenged General Scott to 
fight a duel. Scott declined on the grounds of a religious opposition 
to duelling and as being against his patriotic duty. Thus General 
Scott was added to the long list of those Jackson hated to the end 
of his days. 

We were now at peace with Spain, though very desirous of 
securing possession of Florida. Trouble arose with the Indians. 
Outrages were committed, undoubtedly both by the Red men and 
the white settlers. In many matters we took unjust and arbitrary 
action. At length the Indians forced action by firing on our troops 
and thus another small war was on our hands. Jackson was ordered 
to assume command. He followed his usual bent, always having in 
mind the attainment of an objective without regard to the means 
employed. He wrote to President Monroe, “Let it be signified to 
me through any channel, that the possession of the Floridas would be 
desirable to the United States, and in ten days it will be accomplished.” 
Monroe claims that he did not see this letter until one year after it 
was written. It seems that the letter had fallen into the hands of 
Mr. J. Rhea, officially attached to the President. Jackson always 


270 


MAKING A NATION 


claimed that Rhea had written him that the President approved of 
his suggestions, but Jackson could never produce the letter. But the 
orders which General Jackson received from John C. Calhoun, Secre¬ 
tary of War, were construed to mean that the administration approved 
of the conquest of Florida. 

There can be no question of the promptness with which Jackson 
took action upon the theory of the acquirement of the territory 
claimed by Spain. He proceeded on his own initiative to raise 
troops. He worked with tremendous speed and energ>\ He sent 
word to the Spanish commander at Pensacola that any act tending 
to obstruct the passage of his troops would be considered an act 
of hostility to the United States. He soon, upon the slightest 
pretext, invaded the soil of Spain. Every military despot finds 
a reason for invading the territory belonging to other nations. 
Germany set aside international law by invading Belgium and the 
Kaiser lost his throne. Jackson performed the same offense and got 
away with it. Jackson said that he was ordered to make war on the 
rebellious Indians wherever he could find them. If they fled to 
Spanish soil he assumed he had a right to pursue them; he maintained 
that Spain was unable to police Florida and that he would undertake 
the job himself. He charged that the Spaniards of Florida had given 
secret aid to the Indians who were enemies of the United States. 
The Spanish officials denied all these claims, but to Jackson, that had 
no weight, as he alleged that the word of a Spaniard was of no value. 
He also stoutly held that England had paid agents in Florida who 
had specific instructions to stir up trouble. It is certain that this was 
the common belief of the country. Holding these opinions and in 
pursuit of these plans, Jackson court martialed two subjects of Great 
Britain. There was but slight evidence for conviction, but the men 
were found guilty and executed. This aroused great excitement in 
England and had it not been for a masterly presentation of our cause 
by the then Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, it is not wholly 
improbable that we would have had a declaration of war from Eng¬ 
land. The trial of this case was pathetic to an extreme degree. 
Arbuthnot was over seventy years of age. The evidence did not 


ANDREW JACKSON 


271 


show that they were spies or paid agents of England or that they had 
incited the Indians to make war on the United States. But Jackson 
set all evidence aside and ordered these two men shot. He deposed 
the Spanish governor of Pensacola, set up a garrison, and put in force 
the operation of the government by American officials. He had 
whipped the Indians, had broken the power of Spain, established peace 
under American authority and had accomplished it all in less than 
five months. He did this with a force of about 3500 white and friendly 
Indians. Opposed to him were 2000 poorly equipped Red men. 
Very few, if any, white soldiers were killed in the entire campaign. 
Again had Jackson outrun administration discretion. Monroe always 
claimed that he had never authorized Invasion of neutral territory. 
Monroe was never bold or aggressive. His entire line of policy was 
based on a friendly acquirement of Florida by purchase or negotiation 
and not by force of arms. The President was somewhat angered 
that Jackson had gained for the administration, congressional opposi¬ 
tion, a serious row with England and a complex diplomatic tangle 
with Spain. The mere slaughter of a few unfriendly Indians was 
unimportant. The execution of two British subjects and the violation 
of and conquest of Spanish territory was a cabinet problem of great 
moment and required diplomatic dexterity. This task was thrust upon 
John Quincy Adams and he with great skill convinced England that 
Jackson was within his rights as a military commander in the execu¬ 
tion of the two Englishmen. In the matter of Spain, it was agreed 
that it was a matter of right to restore to Spain the territory in 
dispute but it was also decided to straddle and mollify Jackson by 
approving his course upon the theory that he had been able to restore 
law and order in Florida where Spain had failed to accomplish this 
end. At the next session of Congress a special committee of the House 
of Representatives had reported out a resolution of censure against 
Jackson for having ordered the execution of the two Englishmen. 
After lengthy debate it was voted down and he escaped. The fact 
is that Congress was afraid of the popularity of Jackson. There w’as 
great partisan cunning exercised in this pursuit of Jackson. Many 
leading politicians feared that Jackson was in line for the Presidency 


272 


MAKING A NATION 


and his humiliation seemed desirable to weaken his hold upon the 
people. A committee reported against Jackson, holding that he had 
been wrong from beginning to end in the entire Florida episode, but 
no action was taken thereon. In 1819 Florida was purchased from 
Spain but the purchase was not finally ratified until 1821. After a 
great and enduring controversy arose over boundary lines. Adams 
claimed that maps were shown Jackson before title was finally closed 
and that Jackson approved boundary lines as set forth in said maps. 
Jackson strenuously denied this and the matter was never really 
settled, though the preponderance of proof seemed to favor the Adams 
contention. The matter became important in the later acquirement 
of Texas. In this controversy with Adams, Jackson was rude, insult¬ 
ing, and violent and apparently had forgotten that it was Adams, 
who by satisfying England in the matter of the execution of the two 
Englishmen, had saved Jackson from a disgrace from which he prob¬ 
ably would never have been able to recover. 

In 1821 he was appointed Governor of Florida, which had not 
yet been admitted a state under the national constitution. He had 
great powders, though he could not levy taxes nor issue land grants. 
Here, too, he engaged in some very high-handed proceedings in the 
settlement of which the Cabinet was called into action. In six months 
he became ill and resigned. The Cabinet, Congress and the nation 
discussed these latest Jacksonian actions. The people were again 
inclined to censure Jackson, but still there lingered that fear of 
his personal popular hold and he came out of the affair without the 
loss of prestige. 

He declined the mission to Mexico and his letter was framed to 
make capital out of the refusal. This was not any worse, however, 
than Monroe’s attempt at pacifying him by an appointment, for surely 
the President knew by that time that Jackson would breed trouble 
in any post to which he might be assigned. The real truth is that 
Monroe, Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun and all the ambitious politi¬ 
cians of that day feared that at any moment Jackson might throw 
his hat into the political ring and win the Presidency against any 
combination that might be framed against him. Thus in their treat- 




ANDREW JACKSON 


273 


ment of him they used great caution. They did not desire to give 
him the opportunity to pose for further public sympathy upon the 
charge that he had been persecuted or had been unjustly dealt with. 

Monroe had now been nominated and had entered upon his second 
term, so he was safe. That was all for which he dared hope. John 
Quincy Adams desired to become President, but he did not plan nor 
strive to secure it, nor did he make the slightest move to gain the prize. 
President Monroe was followed by great luck and was enabled to 
fill out h is second term which proved a more than happy one for the 
people at large. Congress was not nearly so well behaved. As he 
ran through his second term Monroe reached a poise, dignity and 
patriotic activity which strongly contrasted with the conniving and 
questionable methods used by him the earlier years of his political 
activities. He was less partisan than the machine politicians. The 
obligations and responsibilities of high office lifted him to real greatness. 

During all of Monroe’s second term, four men were being 
groomed by their respective partisans to succeed him. They were John 
Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, Andrew Jackson and Crawford. Clay 
was an ambitious plotter and made an active campaign. Adams was 
entirely willing to serve, but took no active steps to secure the nomi¬ 
nation. Crawford engaged in active and unscrupulous scheming. 
Jackson was interested in a multitude of personal controversies, was 
seeking vindication of every charge that had ever been hurled against 
him and apparently was not seeking the high office. This was true 
of a small coterie of men, headed by William B. Lewis, who planned 
to capitalize Jackson’s popularity, push him into power and place 
and use his high office to further their own political fortunes. They 
Invented the idea of creating a President through propaganda and this 
inside cabinet operated successfully for many years and obtained keen 
enjoyment from the success which attended their efforts. For years, 
even before Jackson became an active candidate, they paved the way. 
Their project was two-fold. They first operated to eliminate all 
stronger men from the race. They set strong friends at daggers 
points, so as to create a weak opposition. They pounded continually on 
Jackson’s popularity. They set in motion in hundreds of channels 


274 


MAKING A NATION 


the idea that it was the popular will that Jackson should have the 
highest reward for his eminent services to the country. By news¬ 
paper articles and endless correspondence, they industriously covered 
the country. They manufactured a letter, which they had published in 
some obscure newspaper, containing an easily refuted charge against 
their man. This would be met by an equally clever defense. They 
were entirely too skillful to permit the impression to go forth that 
any of this emanated from Jackson or his friends, or that it was 
part and parcel of a well-conceived general plan. So shrewd and 
cunning was the work that the public was completely fooled. Thus 
it was that all through the four years of John Quincy Adams in the 
Presidential chair, there loomed the figure of Andrew Jackson, until 
it assumed colossal proportions. Adams lost all control of Congress 
during the last two years of his term. This w^as the result of the 
secret work of the “Kitchen Cabinet.” Never was House or Senate 
so prostituted to partisan purposes. Adams was discredited by the 
charge that he had made a corrupt bargain with Clay for his support 
and had rewarded his perfidy by appointing Clay as Secretary of 
State. This was clearly disproved, but the voters of the nation were 
made to rely upon its truth. Jackson had been aroused to great 
activity by his campaign managers and while he did not care so much 
for the Presidency, he had an overwhelming desire to whip Adams, 
whom he hated. Jackson was made to think that Adams had stolen 
from the high office four years before. Though Adams had given 
the country a noble administration, though he was the ablest man 
that had ever filled the executive chair, he was decisively beaten. 
Jackson was elected in triumph in the name of reform as the standard 
bearer of an abused citizenry which had suffered under an administra¬ 
tion marked by every vice (?) in the calender of crime ( ?). 

From the hour of his appointment as public prosecutor in the 
wilds of Tennessee to the close of his second term as President of 
the United States, Jackson w’as flagrantly consistent in his inconsist¬ 
encies. He was a demagogue, but so carefully had he been schooled 
in his demagogery that he appeared to be a simon pure patriot. He 
had been an accidental military success, 5'et circumstance had conspired 


ANDREW JACKSON 


275 


to make him appear almost as great a military genius at Washington 
or Napoleon. He was a strong Union man in his earlier years, yet 
he defended Burr, who would have destroyed the Union if his plans 
had not miscarried. Later he was a violent advocate of State Rights, 
but when he became the enemy of John C. Calhoun, who favored 
Nullification, he whipped Nullification in South Carolina and spanked 
that state into submission to national power and authority. He was 
clean himself, but he stood for the most questionable practices by those 
wLo had made him politically great and powerful. He advised 
Monroe to distribute offices generally among the people. When he 
was President he removed more men from office for political opinions 
solely than had been removed in all previous administrations combined. 
His record of achievement, service and real greatness was a manu¬ 
factured lie. His countrj^men did not discover all this until the evil 
thereof running down through successive administrations, brought the 
nation to the verge of terrific disaster and Jackson’s manufactured 
greatness was finally revealed through the very men who had taken 
a foremost part in this politicaUtragedy! 

Under the administration of John Quincy Adams the country 
enjoyed great prosperity. Manufacturing in New England had under¬ 
gone great development. Cotton culture in the South, aided by cheap 
labor, in the form of negro slaves, had become a great source of 
national wealth. The operation of the National Bank of the United 
States, despite some radical mistakes, had in the main aided trade and 
commerce, and had proved to be a useful institution. Trade with 
the West Indies, forbidden by England, was still carried on. The 
people at large, absorbed in material successes, could not understand 
the secret motives which prompted a restless political agitation which 
not only began to worry the people, but stirred official circles to its 
very depths. This was all a part of the Lewis-Kendal-Kitchen Cabinet 
project founded on the cunning purpose of using Andrew Jackson 
with which to capture control of the machinery of government. This 
combination of very astute and able men started their great work 
by stirring up unending strife between manufacturing New England 
and the cotton raising South, particularly over the protective tariff 


276 


MAKING A NATION 


issue. This developed, until later it got beyond mere conflict between 
individuals for office, and descended into a struggle to the death 
between the sections. Their next move was directed against the 
United States National Bank. They charged and made great masses 
of the people believe that it was an enginery whereby plutocracy 
oppressed the plain people. They claimed that the bank coerced Con¬ 
gress with the end in view of enslaving the people. They alarmed 
the masses, they put fear into Congress. They drove Senate and 
House into direct conflict with the President and they finally landed 
Andrew Jackson into the White House and the one big hope of the 
common people in their desperate struggle against the rich and priv¬ 
ileged classes. They embarked him upon a career so strange and so 
varied that we can in this mere sketch hope only to summarize. Re¬ 
publican institutions stood in more danger of failure while Andrew 
Jackson was President than during the Civil War, when the Con¬ 
federate army was winning its greatest victories. 

Jackson had triumphed over Adams, whom he displaced; Craw¬ 
ford, with whom he had forced to compromise, and Henry Clay, who 
had appeared to be his strongest opponent. He had likewise torn 
from John C. Calhoun the necessary support, but Calhoun had been 
made Vice-President. He had been made to believe that Jackson 
would not take a second term and that Jackson and his friends would 
support him for the Presidency and that, too, before a life-long 
antagonism had sprung up between these two men. Calhoun was a 
profound thinker. He was in favor of the rights of the states as 
against those of the central government and as between the two, his 
loyalty was for the state as against the nation. He saw that others 
were also basking in the sunshine of the smile of the man of the hour 
and he became suspicious. He had just as much of a bull dog nature 
of obstinacy as Jackson. They soon became silent enemies. Many 
policies of the Jackson administration in a covert way were affected 
by the undying enmity which existed between these two men of 
similar passions. 

One of the first official actions of Jackson was to turn “the 
rascals out.” It was under his activities that there sprung into 


ANDREW JACKSON 


277 


existence the phrase, “that to the victor belongs the spoils.” From 
March 4, 1829, to March 23, 1830, he removed 491 postmasters and 
forced out of office 238 other officials. It is further claimed that he 
removed 2000 other officials who were under such civil service as 
existed at that period. When out he criticized the appointment of 
Congressmen to place. When in he appointed more Congressmen 
to office than had any of his predecessors. The Senate refused to 
confirm many of Jackson’s appointments. Some of these were editors 
of newspapers whose sole claim to office lay in their support of Jackson 
in the campaign. This rejection enraged the President and every 
Senator who did not bend the knee to the Jacksonian will became a 
marked man and was relentlessly pursued and hounded by Jackson. 
He did not hesitate to use his official power to compel men to support 
him unquestionably in his every plan. His final determination to 
make Van Buren his political heir still further embittered Calhoun, 
and the latter opposed his will to that of Jackson on every occasion. 
Calhoun, as presiding officer of the Senate, had also great power and 
Washington became the seat of a struggle between the President and 
the Vice-President, each striving to build up a machine, by Jackson to 
retain power and by Calhoun to win the Presidency. Washington 
had removed one officer, a defaulter. Adams one, a defaulter, Jeffer¬ 
son 38, Madison 5, three of wffiom were defaulters, John Q. Adams 
only two and both for cause. Jackson easily lead all his predecessors 
in the matter of official decapitation. With him it was his favorite 


weapon. 


. 1 


o ■ P! 


John H. Eaton, Secretary of War, in 1829, married Mrs. 
Timberlake, widow of a naval officer. Mrs. Eaton was formerly 
Peggy O’Neil, daughter of a Washington tavern keeper. She had 
been well known in the capital. Eaton’s attachment for the lady 
even before her husband committed suicide, wffiile on a voyage to the 
Mediterranean, had caused a dainty bit of scandal. Eaton discussed 
his intended marriage with the President, who assured him of loyal 
support in compelling Washington society to give the lady social 
recognition. Official Washington grossly snubbed Mrs. Eaton. Mrs. 
John C. Calhoun and the wives of other cabinet members refused to 


278 


MAKING A NATION 


admit Mrs. Eaton into the inner circle. She tried to force her way 
and had every possible support from President Jackson. He called 
Cabinet members into his august presence and attempted to cajole 
or bulldoze them into his way of thinking, but he met with absolute 
refusal. Van Buren, w^ho w^as a widower, in order to curry favor 
with the man of the hour, was complaisant and showed the lady 
much consideration. He figured that such act on his part would 
solidify Jackson’s hatred of Calhoun and give him strength as the 
heir to the throne. This affair stirred not only society, but official 
action, and thus over a w^oman’s ambition, the fate of the whole coun¬ 
try was influenced. If Jackson had not become estranged from 
Calhoun it is likely that the latter would have retained the Jacksonian 
good will and it is entirely possible that Calhoun with all his States’ 
Rights ideas would have been President. If Calhoun had been Presi¬ 
dent, the South would not have seceded, because the slavery issue 
would have been held in abeyance for another generation. Being an 
ardent secessionist, a great thinker, of commanding ability, he prob¬ 
ably would have influenced a redrafting of the Constitution to protect 
his beloved South. Eaton could not stand the pressure and finally 
retired from the Cabinet and was made Governor of Florida. After 
that, for four years he was Minister to Spain. In 1840, for some 
unknown reason, he had a desperate quarrel with Jackson and they 
were bitter enemies until death. 

In spite of decided ill health, the Kitchen Cabinet decided that 
Jackson must stand for a second term. The invisible powers exercised 
by the inner clique were too sweet to be relinquished. Van Buren 
relished this just as little as did Calhoun, but the former had better 
control over his emotions and greater patience. So Van Buren sub¬ 
mitted without any open show of disappointment. Calhoun’s friends 
and the newspapers that supported him showed high resentment. This 
was just what the Kitchen Cabinet had hoped for. 

The Pennsylvania Legislature was covertly inspired to adopt an 
address asking Jackson to stand for re-election. New York endorsed 
the action of Pennsylvania. Other legislatures echoed the sentiment 
suggested through the fine work of the secret political managers. 


ANDREW JACKSON 


279 


Finally the Globe, considered to be the mouthpiece of the administra¬ 
tion, stated officially that General Jackson might be regarded as a 
candidate to succeed himself. This created great adverse comment by 
every element which might be opposed to the incumbent. This stirred 
the old fighting blood in Andrew Jackson and he was induced again to 
throw his hat into the ring and to make a characteristic fight for the 
great honor. Jackson’s determination stirred anew the bitter hatred in 
the heart of Calhoun. He sincerely felt that the safety of the South 
was in jeopardy and he in turn decided that if Jackson was elected he 
would put in operation his plan to force the South to secede from the 
Union and set up a separate republic. 

In 1830, in honor of the birthday of Thomas Jefferson, at the 
capital there was held a Nullification banquet. On that occasion 
John C. Calhoun openly threw down the gauntlet of battle to Jackson 
by declaring that “liberty was dearer to the American people that 
Union.” Up to this time Jackson had been known to have been an 
advocate of the rights of the states and it was supposed that he would 
take such a stand or he would not have attended a banquet whose 
ostensible purpose was to exploit the Southern viewpoint. But when 
he saw the attitude thus openly expressed by Calhoun, his hatred of 
the man moved him impulsively to take the opposite stand and he 
delivered himself of a toast, the sentiment of which was “Our Union! 
It must be Preserved.” This was a shrewder move than Jackson 
dreamed of, for it solidified the North in his support and was the 
political death knell of his abler opponent. Later Jackson justified 
himself further in his personal antagonism toward Calhoun, when he 
claimed to have discovered that Calhoun was disloyal to him, when, 
in Monroe’s Cabinet, the Florida matter was under discussion. The 
breach between these two fighting men was never healed. They died 
hating each other. Jackson appointed Van Buren as ambassador to 
England and his confirmation was defeated by the deciding vote of the 
Vice-President, John C. Calhoun. 

Among the most nefarious plans of the Jackson administration 
was that of radically curtailing the power of the Judiciary of the 
United States. The state of Kentucky lead in this fight. An attempt 


280 


MAKING A NATION 


was made to give the legislature of that state power to regulate the 
rules and procedure of the Federal Courts and to require seven out 
of ten Judges to concur in any decision upon a Constitutional question. 
Men in high place, in our country, at this hour, are making a similar 
attempt. In 1830 an attempt was made to deprive the Supreme Court 
of the right to determine upon the constitutionality of state laws. The 
attempt failed. Jackson and his supporters distrusted and were jealous 
of the power of the Courts. They stood in great awe and fear 
of the able, fearless and incorruptible Chief Justice John Marshall 
of Virginia. Even more rapidly than they sought to tear down, he 
thundered forth judge-made laws that saved the Constitution and 
preserved the Union. Judge Peck of the United States District Court 
of Missouri, brought before the bar one Lawless, an attorney, who 
defeated in an action, commented in public newspapers, on the right¬ 
eousness and justice of the Judge’s decision. He was cited, had a 
hearing and was found guilty. He was committed for one day and 
suspended from practice for 18 months. The administration brought 
impeachment proceedings against Judge Peck. The vote stood 22 for 
acquittal and 2i for conviction. Later the State of Georgia refused 
to abide by a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States and 
President Jackson refused to give to the Court the support necessary 
to enforce its decrees. This hostility to the national judiciary was 
not new in American history, for Thomas Jefferson held the same 
view, but the sober public opinion of the country stood behind the 
courts and each attempt of the kind has only strengthened this branch 
of the government. Today there are those who seem to desire to 
follow Jefferson and Jackson in their mad attempts to weaken this 
saving arm of the national government, but they too will fail, for 
the great body of the people rely upon the courts as their last pillar 
in support of the temple of freedom and liberty. 

In his first message to Congress, Jackson declared his hostility to 
internal improvements. He favored a distribution of surplus funds 
to the several states to be expended by them under state direction 
and control. On the tariff, the President had no special knowledge 
and no fixed policy. The bill of 1828 was enacted after a hot debate 


ANDREW JACKSON 


281 


between powerful groups representing clashing commercial, industrial 
and agricultural interests. It satisfied no section of the country. 
Like every fiscal law ever passed in this country, it was a compromise 
brought about by half-baked political trade and bargains between 
partisan politicians. It was the result of a mad scramble for advantage 
and it became the whirlpool in whose seething foam all candidates 
dipped to further ambition. It became a football in the arena of 
politics. 

Prior to 1828 the South began to fret and chafe against the 
tariff. The exports of the country were largely cotton and tobacco, 
both produced in the South. Southern leaders, unable to secure what 
they deemed an equitable distribution of tax burdens, looked about for 
remedies. In 1827 Colonel Hamilton of South Carolina, at a public 
dinner, proposed Nullification. In support of his position he cited 
the old Kentucky and Virginia resolutions which had been inspired 
and written by Thomas Jefferson in order to force Congress to repeal 
the Alien and Sedition laws adopted under the administration of 
the elder Adams as President. The earlier protesting resolution did 
not go as far as Nullification. South Carolina claimed the right, 
through a state convention, to declare null and void an act of Congress 
of the United States. To accept such a contention would simply 
mean that the Constitution was a mere scrap of paper, that its pro¬ 
visions were binding only in the event that they pleased and satisfied 
a state or the people of that state, that the Union might be reduced 
to as many separate atoms as there were commonwealths and that, 
too, upon the passing passions of the hour. South Carolina proceeded 
further to declare that all internal improvements and tariff acts 
were unconstitutional. Georgia in 1827 had declared a like expres¬ 
sion but denied any intent at disunion and claimed to seek only such 
remedies as might be found within the Constitution. North Carolina 
and Alabama likewise declared that the tariff was violative of the 
Constitution. 

There is no doubt that the tariff of 1828 bore oppressively heavy 
upon the South. But the radical declarations of Southerners failed 
to shake the Northern intent and purpose. On the contrary, the 


282 


MAKING A NATION 


public men of the North shifted the argument from the tariff, which 
could not be defended on righteous grounds, to the question of the 
preservation of the Union, over which at any time the feelings of 
the masses could be patriotically aroused. This was just what the 
protective tariff men desired. It was a difficult task to defend a 
sectional tariff, but it w^as an easy matter to gain support against 
state or section that sought to set aside the Constitution or weaken 
or dissolve the Union. But the high tariff men made the great 
mistake of mistreating the free trade minority. A majority, no matter 
how powerful, can never stifle a minority when that lesser element 
is inspired by a sense of wrong or injustice. Even in a republic, 
majorities can never ignore the just claim of a minority and when 
such is done, it is no less fatal than w^as the stubborn George III in 
his defiance of the public opinion of the American Colonies and through 
which he lost the good will of America. Not only that, the Northern 
protectionists did not credit Southern leaders with sincerity or strength 
of purpose and did not dream that the Southern States would ever 
attempt to secede from the Union. In 1829 Virginia joined the Nullifi¬ 
cation procession and it was in 1830 that South Carolina forwarded 
a protest to the Senate of the United States. South Carolina attempted 
to test the constitutionality of the tariff law but the case was dismissed 
by the United States District Court on the pleadings and the matter 
was not tested on the legal merits of the issue. 

In 1831 Jackson was invited to attend a Fourth of July celebra¬ 
tion at Charleston, S. C. In his letter declining the invitation he 
boldly and expressly declared that in his opinion force on the part of 
the national government would be the proper remedy for Nullification. 
The Governor of South Carolina laid Jackson’s letter before the 
Legislature for official notice and that body passed a resolution 
denouncing Jackson for having written such a letter and declared 
that the use of force for such a purpose was unlawful. Tariff 
agitation continued and grew in dimension until the whole country 
was drawn into its net. Free trade conventions were held. Congress 
put John Quincy Adams at the head of a committee on manufac¬ 
turers and then stacked the committee against him. There fol- 


ANDREW JACKSON 


283 


lowed congressional trade, bargains and log rolling and every can¬ 
didate saw some way in which the tariff could be twisted to help 
him into office or help beat his opponent. Neither side was willing 
to relinquish its hold on this dainty political morsel and none dared 
place the matter of the tariff where it had ever properly belonged, 
in the hands of a scientific, non-partisan commission, capable of ascer¬ 
taining the truth, and formulating a policy without fear or favor, that 
would be just to all the land. 

On July 14, 1932, a new tariff bill was passed. It contained a 
number of changes in mere schedule but the principle of protection 
was maintained as the national policy. 

Jackson was at length the nominee for a second term in a con¬ 
vention which had been arranged in clever dramatic fashion. He 
pledged the people that if elected he would stand against a re-charter 
of the U. S. National Bank and that he would protect the people in 
their sacred rights. In 1832 an application was made for a re-charter 
of the bank. Its enemies immediately began their attack. Many 
offenses were charged among which were, subsidizing the press, favorit¬ 
ism to relatives of the President of the Bank, exporting specie drawn 
from the South and West, extension of branches, expansion of the 
circulation, failure of the bank to serve all the people, mismanage¬ 
ment of government deposits, unjust manipulation of funds, incom¬ 
plete directory, extravagance in printing, undue contingent expense, 
loans to members of Congress, refusal to furnish list of stockholders 
for purposes of taxation, a controlling clique in the directorate which 
functioned on favoritism and bias. Outside of these little matters, 
the bank was a perfect institution. We cannot go into the details 
of this desperate controversy. Biddle, the Bank’s president, was an 
able man, but utterly lacking in the power to sense public opinion and 
completely unable to descend into the realm of practical politics. The 
bank had made errors, but in no sense of the word was it the corrupt 
monster which Jackson and its enemies painted it. Nor did it deserve 
the antagonism built up against it through the heart of a terrific cam¬ 
paign, in which the prize was the Presidency of these United States. 

He began now to exercise the tyranny of his high station and 


284 


MAKING A NATION 


the popularity incident thereto, to stumble along through good and 
evil deeds and to sow seeds of misery and national disaster, dowering 
the plain people with the curse inherited from the idol of clay which 
they had enthroned upon the seat of power. The excesses practiced 
by Jackson were so great, his disregard of constitutional limitations 
so flagrant as to arouse a protesting public opinion against executive 
usurpation, which has prevented any later President from defying the 
plain intent of the national constitution. 

The State of South Carolina had now reached the limit of her 
endurance. Quibbling pettifoggers made the point that while a 
legislature duly representing the people, might not have the constitu¬ 
tional power, that a convention had, whose delegates were elected 
with specific authority, to set aside and nullify an act of Congress. 
The South Carolina legislature, by resolution, ordered the holding 
of such a convention. Governor Hamilton issue a call and so on 
November 19th, 1832, the said convention was held and the governor 
presided. An ordinance was adopted which declared that the acts of 
Congress of May 19, 1828 and July 14, 1832 were utterly null and 
void in South Carolina; the ordinance further provided that no appeal 
from the State Courts to the Federal Courts on matters arising under 
these acts of Congress would be allowed, that such appeal would be 
held as in contempt of the State Court and that South Carolina would 
withdraw from the Union, should the National Government attempt 
the enforcement of any act contrary to the declaration of the con¬ 
vention. Promptly upon the adjournment of the convention, the 
State Legislature met, framed and passed all laws necessary to carry 
out every resolution which had been adopted by the convention. The 
Legislature further provided for the purchase of guns and equipment 
sufficient to adequately arm one thousand men. This was met by the 
assembly of a union convention in South Carolina in the following 
December at Charleston, which declared itself ready and willing, 
even through open conflict, to support the Federal authorities. Civil 
war seemed imminent. This fact alone proved the utter and tragic 
danger of the Nullification experiment. 

This was the golden hour for President Jackson. He fairly 


ANDREW JACKSON 


285 


leaped to the fray. The defiance of South Carolina whetted his 
natural thirst for conflict. Moreover, he knew the forces behind 
Nullification. Here was a chance to defend the Union. Here 
was a chance to preserve the liberty of the people and here was a 
splendid opportunity to weaken and humiliate John C. Calhoun 
before the body of the nation. There was no palliation, no hesitancy, 
no weakness, no evasion of the plain, vital, fundamental issue. He 
ordered General Scott of the army of the United States to Charles¬ 
ton. He collected bodies of troops within reaching distance, but did 
not place them upon the soil of South Carolina. He directed two 
vessels of the United States navy to the port of Charleston. On 
December the lOth he issued a proclamation directed to the people 
of South Carolina. This famous state document was not written by 
Jackson, but by Livingstone, but its tone was earnest, energetic, lofty 
and patriotic. In part it said: 

“I consider the power to annul a law of the United States, 
assumed by one state incompatible with the existence of the Union, 
contracted expressly by the letter of the constitution, unauthorized 
by its spirit, inconsistent with every principle on which it was founded 
and destructive of the great object for which it was formed.” 

Again had political fate tossed President Jackson upon the apex 
of national glory. His splendid stand brought to his support thous¬ 
ands who had hated him. His act was approved by all, save South 
Carolina, and a comparatively few men in several Southern States 
who were disciples of John C. Calhoun’s political faith. It was with 
emotion of unrestrained joy that the President witnessed the imme¬ 
diate resignation of Calhoun as Vice-President of the United States 
on December 28th, 1832. Calhoun was thereupon elected United 
States Senator for South Carolina in the place of Mr. Hayne. Though 
a member of the national legislature in the upper house for some 
years, Mr. Calhoun never regained his power or prestige and singularly 
alone and unfollowed, he withdrew into a life of intellectual solitude. 
He always retained his devotion to state’s rights, would never admit 
that Nullification in principle was wrong and history has given him 
the doubtful distinction of having been the father of secession and 
the real creator of the Civil War. 


286 


MAKING A NATION 


Immediately there arose endless discussion and debate concerning 
the method to be used to make South Carolina submit without the 
use of armed force. Every alleged statesman had his own patent 
process. Calhoun tried to get the question before the United States 
Supreme Court. Almost every state in the Union declared against 
Nullification. Both Houses of Congress passed Jackson’s proposed 
enforcing bill. South Carolina was earnestly getting ready for armed 
conflict. February i, 1833, was the day set by South Carolina for 
putting into effect actual Nullification. The legislature charged 
President Jackson with tyranny and usurpation. In the meantime 
the compromise tariff bill, fathered by Henry Clay, was passed by 
Congress. South Carolina, realizing that Jackson meant business, 
pretended to regard the Clay compromise as a victory and backed 
down from its position. A new convention was called, at which the 
act of Nullification was repealed, but in order to satisfy public opinion 
they passed another resolution, nullifying the President’s Enforcement 
Bill. There is no doubt but that South Carolina was whipped, but 
took this last jocular fling at the President to get out of a very unfortu¬ 
nate situation with as good grace as possible. Calhoun always claimed 
that the tariff compromise had been won by Nullification and Clay 
answered this with the claim that he had put through this compro¬ 
mise in order to save Calhoun and South Carolina, as both were in 
the political scalp of both hanging at his belt. 

He could now direct his attention to the ruin of the United States 
Bank. The attack on the financial institution was renewed and its ruin 
was wrought by the sudden removal of the United States treasury 
deposits to state banks favored by the President and that small body 
of conniving henchmen who had clung to and shaped the course of the 
Jacksonian star. This course was pursued because Jackson repeatedly 
declared that he had no confidence in Congress. It is absolutely true 
that Congressmen of all shades of political opinion had enjoyed doubt¬ 
ful relations with the bank. It is but natural to infer that such a 
practice did not make for that high spirit of honor and independence 
which should inspire all men in the public service. The removal 
of the nation’s money from the bank caused a financial upheaval. 


ANDREW JACKSON 


287 


Speculation arose, state banks sprang up over night on every corner. 
Artificial fortunes were quickly created. Land values increased. 
State currency flooded the country. Gold fled from circulation. There 
was no standard of value. Confusion in industrial and financial 
circles reigned supreme. By 1835 rnoney became deeply scarce and 
the net began to tighten around its victims. The charter of the bank 
expired March 3, 1836. Biddle, its president, was prosecuted for 
conspiracy to fraud. He escaped conviction, but died insolvent and 
broken-hearted, a fate wholly undeserved; brought about largely by 
the autocratic and vindictive will of Andrew Jackson, supplemented 
by the relentless pursuit of that same invisible power wielded by the 
members of the “Kitchen Cabinet.” 

France, after the Revolutionary War, adopted a bitter attitude 
toward the United States. She obstructed our treaty with England. 
She forced on us the purchase of Louisiana. For a time she halted 
our commerce on the high seas, murdered our sailors, and destroyed 
our property. Her statesmen tried to bribe our diplomats. For 
actual wrong committed and damage done to American shipping she 
agreed subsequently to pay a certain definite sum at a stated period 
of time. Jackson in his 1834 rnessage to Congress directed attention 
to the neglect of France to fulfill these obligations, though he admitted 
that the French king in good faith had tried to induce the French 
Chamber of Deputies to carry out its obligation. Our ambassador 
to France had informed this country that France ^vas actually waiting 
to test what we would do in the event she finally decided to repudiate 
her agreement. We had agreed to reduce the duty on wines imported 
from that country and had actually begun our part of that inter¬ 
national agreement, while France, though enjoying the benefit refused 
to perform her share. Jackson used a conciliatory tone in his message. 
He recited the facts and recommended reprisals should France persist 
in her failure to perform after a definite time. He rather covertly 
insinuated that France should not regard this as a menace. But it was 
a big stick and Jackson would have wielded it upon occasion without 
the slightest hesitation. It alarmed France and angered her officials. 
They resented the King’s interference. They were offended because 


288 


MAKING A NATION 


our ambassador had warned his government. In the House of Rep¬ 
resentatives that fine old patriot, John Quincy Adams, who had been 
so contemptuously villified by Jackson, now arose unselfishly and for 
the honor of the United States, loyally supported the President’s 
course, so that on March 2, 1835, the House passed a resolution 
demanding full compliance with the treaty on the part of France. 
The French minister was recalled from Washington and an open 
breech between the two countries seemed almost unavoidable. Finally 
the French chamber got back to reason and common sense and voted 
the appropriations necessary to settle the matter upon condition that 
the President satisfactorily explain his message. The American Con¬ 
gress quickly appropriated three millions for defense if necessary. 
In 1836 Jackson sent another message to Congress, reviewed the whole 
affair, and insisted that he had used no menace. This did not suit 
the tender and sensitive French people and negotiations were again 
terminated. Jackson met this by a message to Congress recommend¬ 
ing measures of force, suggesting the exclusion of French products 
from American ports. It looked very much like war. England offered 
to act as mediator. France backed down and the King ordered the 
immediate payment of four installments then due and the war cloud 
disappeared. It is certain that this affair reflected no discredit upon 
the President or the nation. 

As President Jackson’s second term neared its close, the agitation 
against slavery began to assume important proportions. It became 
a persistent issue in the political, civil and social life of the nation. 
It did not call for action, however, save in several minor phases. 
Kendall, one of Jackson’s great agents of manipulation, had become 
postmaster general. Part of the work of abolition societies was 
sending printed matter to Southern States. The South claimed this 
was done to incite the negroes to revolt. The postmaster at Charles¬ 
ton was severely rebuked by the people of that city for letting this 
mail reach the black men. He asked instructions of Kendall, who 
while discoursing on the evil effect of allowing these papers to reach 
the slaves, still prated about respecting the laws. If any person could 
ascertain Kendall’s full meaning it would probably have been: “I 


ANDREW JACKSON 


289 


don’t want to tell you to violate the law, but don’t let the papers 
get to the negroes, for if you do, you are liable to get into serious 
trouble in your community.’’ 

In 1829 slavery was abolished in Mexico. Americans had gone 
into Texas, a part of Mexico, and brought slaves with them. These 
Americans resisted the abolition decree and Mexico was compelled to 
exempt Texas, so slavery still prevailed there. This Mexican matter 
was serious to Southern slave interests. This gave color to arguments 
that sooner or later w& must regain what had been carelessly lost by a 
Northern statesman, meaning John Quincy Adams, in the Florida 
boundary affair. Attempts were made to buy Texas for five million. 
The offer was refused. Other offers were made. There was besides, 
undoubted official connivance in plans to wrest Texas from Mexican 
possession. In 1836 Texas declared independence of Mexico, a move 
directed by citizens of our country. March 17th a constitution was 
adopted and slavery therein was strongly favored. General Houston, 
an old friend of President Jackson, had consulted him on a visit to 
Washington, concerning the whole affair. Later, President Jackson 
ordered General Gaines to Texas with troops on the pretense of putting 
down any possible hostilities on the part of the Indians. Such was the 
pressure, that Mexico, weak and feeble, was intimidated into submit¬ 
ting to the overhanging fear of the military forces of the United 
States. Congress voted to ask the independence of Texas, provided 
that state proved that she could maintain independence. Jackson 
mixed in the boundary dispute even before we had consummated this 
thinly disguised steal of territory from a weaker neighbor. In the 
same year John Quincy Adams delivered a speech in Congress against 
a war with Mexico for the conquest of Texas. A year later Texas 
independence was acknowledged. Finally Texas applied and was 
admitted into the Union as a slave state. This is the only instance 
on record, apart from our seizure of Indian lands, that our nation, 
through Presidential connivance, perpetrated an outrage of this 
character. 

Up to 1837 under the Marshall influence, the Supreme Court de¬ 
cisions had tended to strengthen the power of the Union as against the 


290 


MAKING A NATION 


power of the states. In Briscoe vs. The Bank the contrary policy was 
begun. From that time for m.any years the Supreme Court declined in 
dignity and was lowered in national service. This was brought about 
by the nature and character of Jackson’s appointment to the Supreme 
Bench. It came to such a pass that Mr. Justice Story resigned, be¬ 
cause he felt that the court was not being permitted to live up to 
its high and noble traditions. The people, too, were beginning to 
lose their hold upon themselves. Cities had no police and their use 
was opposed on the ground that this was dangerous to liberty. From 
the South came hideous tales of the burning of negroes. There 
were riots, hanging of abolitionists, interference with the mails and 
from Charlestown, Mass., the report of the burning of a convent. 
The material prosperity of the country on the surface seemed won¬ 
derful, but parties were split up into numberless factions and divisions 
of every kind and character. The chief magistrate paid no respect to 
the constitution. Why should the plain citizen bow to the rigor of 
the law? 

The Jackson influence was so powerfully organized that it 
extended beyond his term of office. The attempt within the Demo¬ 
cratic party to organize opposition to his well managed machine 
was a dismal failure. The national convention was held at Balti¬ 
more. Its delegates, by vast majority, were office holders under the 
Jackson administration. Twenty-one states were represented. By 
the time the convention was ready to ballot all opposition had van¬ 
ished and Jackson’s heir to office, Martin Van Buren, was chosen 
without a dissenting vote. The new nominee rushed rapidly to the 
front to deny the charge that he had been put through on a slate 
and that he had asked no man’s support, but that he hoped to 
“tread generally in the footsteps of President Jackson,” happy 
if he should be able to perform the work so gloriously begun. The 
anti-Jackson party also had a contest, in which the renowned and 
eloquent Daniel Webster was beaten by Wm. Henry Harrison. 
Answering public question, Van Buren, true to form, and loyal to 
Jackson’s policies, declared himself as opposed to a national bank. 
Internal improvements, and against distribution of surplus tariff 


ANDREW JACKSON 


291 


funds to the several states. Van Buren was elected. Even before 
he was sworn in, the financial and commercial storm which had been 
generated by Jackson, began to overwhelm the country. In 1837 there 
were bread riots in the city of New York and an enraged mob de¬ 
stroyed 500 barrels of flour and 1000 bushels of wheat. It required 
the services of the militia to quell the outbreak, and meetings were 
for a time forbidden in public parks. Ele had been a slippery politician 
and well deserved Jackson’s good will for actual services rendered, but 
when he reached the presidency, he was possessed of a high and 
honorable ambition to prove that he was more than a mere creature 
of Jackson and his clique. He had ability, but lacked the iron will 
to control a party that was surely drifting toward fatal internal con¬ 
flict. He not only failed to make an impression as a statesman, but 
he lost party leadership. His election was a Jacksonian victory, over 
which Old Hickory was exultant. Elere was another glorious vindica¬ 
tion. He returned to Tennessee amid the plaudits of the people. Even 
in retirement, office hunters sought him for the benefit of his influence. 
His last public activity was exercised in favoring the candidacy of 
James K. Polk. He died in 1845. 

During his long and active life he did some good and much evil. 
He was a brave, though not particularly able soldier. He was a 
vigorous public prosecutor. Pie put down Nullification in South 
Carolina. Pie compelled France to fulfill her treaty obligations. He 
was above civic or financial corruption and he was a loyal and devoted 
husband. 

But he was braggart and duellist. He had killed many men. He 
had illegally caused the execution of others. He surrounded himself 
and was directed and controlled by an unmoral, unconscionable group, 
animated by base and ignoble motives. He promoted the spoils sys¬ 
tem, he undermined finance and industry, he set aside the law and 
openly defied and debauched the courts and he was bitter, vindictive, 
unjust and relentless in his hatreds. He was loudly patriotic in a 
way and would doubtless have made any sacrifice for the country, but 
his life, deeds, temper and policies contributed nothing of construc¬ 
tive value to the people who so highly honored him, and of all presi- 


292 


MAKING A NATION 


dents of the United States, he is least entitled to a high spot in the 
American hall of fame. It is no pleasant task to tear aside the veil, 
to shatter the idol of clay, to speculate upon “the faults of our brothers 
which should be inscribed upon the sands of the sea,” yet we may 
not remain silent lest another Andrew Jackson should arise and, 
deified by the matchless cunning of an invisible clique, reach that 
mighty station and from it wreck the people of a great nation. View 
such a career with indifference and we prepare ourselves to become 
the victim of the next cunningly created demagogue and tyrant who 
rises among us. 


John Marshall 


S ENATOR LA FOLLETT in a recent public speech declared 
that he would introduce a proposition for an amendment to the 
Constitution of the United States designed to limit the terms of 
Supreme Court Judges, as well as their authority in the matter of 
Constitutional Construction. 

It is quite apparent that the Senator, Samuel Gompers, and the 
I. W. W. do not know history. If these malcontents had remembered 
the battle over the Constitution, they would hardly have had the 
temerity to seek to undermine and bring into disrepute, a tribunal 
whose record is one of matchless service to the country. Dema¬ 
gogues want law and courts only when they serve their selfish pur¬ 
poses. When law and courts function to curb or hold in check the 
passions or prejudices of the passing hour, the destructlonists demand 
weakness, limited power, partisan domination or annihilation. 

If such had been the intent, the Constitution would never have 
been adopted or ratified by the States. It was the clear intent of the 
delegates to create, in the national judiciary, an independent and co¬ 
ordinate branch of the Federal government. 

It is quite safe to say that if Thomas Jefferson’s contempt for 
and hostility to the Federal Judiciary had been endorsed by the Con¬ 
gress and country at large; if Andrew Jackson’s defiance to Con¬ 
stitution, Law and Courts had been translated into approved public 
opinion, there would have been preserved no American Union. Slavery 
would have still remained an American institution. There would 
have been several nations of widely conflicting interests. We might 
have become the prey of the jealous cunning, and envious tyrants 
of the old world who were still unreconciled to freedom on Western 
shores. Democracy might have perished. A century marked by bloody 
struggle, would have elapsed before human kind might have hoped 
for liberty. 

Because the Supreme Court, under John Marshall, Chief Justice, 
assumed its rightful place, power and influence, the United States has 


294 


MAKING A NATION 


become a great, powerful, cohesive nation. To take from this sacred 
institution one jot or tittle of its power, to permit it to become the 
sport of the party in office, to give any other branch of the government 
the right to nullify its decisions, would in time entail national disaster. 

The remedy for existing evils lies not in force, subversion, nor 
revolution, but through the ballot in the hands of patriotic citizens, 
whose first duty might well be to refuse power, place, and honor to 
Senator La Follett and all his demagogic tribe, and to use greater care 
in the election of national and local law-makers. In this biographic 
study of John Marshall I have sought to revert to the vital funda¬ 
mentals of our national development. When men begin to lose their 
bearings nothing is so valuable as a lighting of the pathway by “the 
lamp of experience.” 

Opposition to the Constitution was maintained by leading poli¬ 
ticians who hoped thereby to weaken the Federalists who, with Wash¬ 
ington and Hamilton, were strongly intrenched in public confidence. 
A large, thoughtful and patriotic body of men fought it because of 
a sincere conviction that the power conferred, would in time, be 
prostituted to the subversion of that highly prized and dearly bought 
liberty, for which so much national vitality had been expended. Wash¬ 
ington perhaps, more clearly than any of his contemporaries, foresaw 
the inherent weakness of thirteen separate sovereignties loosely joined, 
striving to govern the freed colonies. June 8, 1783, he addressed a 
letter to the governors and presidents of the several states, insisting 
upon an inseparable union under a single federal government, which 
must possess the power of enforcing its laws. He advised the pay¬ 
ment in full of all debts incurred in the prosecution of the Revolu¬ 
tionary war; the organization of an efficient national militia, and 
pleaded for a sacrifice of local interests to promote general welfare. 

From such suggestion came the germ of the dream which culmi¬ 
nated in the final adoption of the Constitution, but the colonies were 
not ready, and were lead through several years of hardship and 
menace before public opinion yielded to the overwhelming realization 
of a need, to replace the completely ineffectual Articles of Confedera¬ 
tion. The war itself had approached failure at times, through utter 


JOHN MARSHALL 


295 


impossibility of compelling concerted action. Congress had declined 
in power and influence. Leading statesmen of Europe predicted the 
hopelessness of the American experiment. George III said that the 
thirteen colonies “would get into such a snarl that one after another 
would repent and beg on their knees to be taken back into the British 
Empire.” Frederick of Prussia, not in enmity, expressed the opinion 
that the Republic would fail if for no other reason through the 
immense territory it sought to govern. These monarchs and all 
learned opponents, could not dream, that soon, invention would 
annihilate distance. 

The calamity howlers did not know of a more potent reason 
for trouble or our evil wishers might possibly have done more to 
hamper and hinder national well being. It lay in local jealousies 
and absolutely conflicting interests. The states, held as sacred, in¬ 
dividual autonomy. Massachusetts depended for prosperity on in¬ 
dustries entirely distinct from those of Virginia or South Carolina. 
Travel was difficult from point to point. Cities were few and the 
country thinly populated. The people of the several sections knew’ 
little of each other. Their state organizations differed in material 
matters. The Revolution itself had been essentially English in char¬ 
acter. It had carried wdth it, none of the wdld and bloody excesses 
that marked the path of France in the struggle to rid itself of Royal 
yoke. With America, the state governments had been modelled on 
British lines. The King w-as replaced by a Governor, the House of 
Lords by a Senate and the House of Commons by a House of Rep¬ 
resentatives. 

The common law of England remained in force except where 
changed by statute. The right to vote in the early years of Inde¬ 
pendence w’as not universal and in most of the states a property 
qualification w-as required. The old English law of a descent of 
property to the eldest born son was abrogated and by 1796, it had 
been altered to equal distribution to heirs in every one of the thirteen 
states. 

The Articles of Confederation were not finally adopted until 
1781. The sovereignity under this instrument of government was 


296 


MAKING A NATION 


exercised by a Congress composed of representatives of the several 
states, whose salaries were paid not out of a national treasury, but by 
the state. This same Congress could make all laws, but had no 
power to enforce the same as applied to essential business, without 
the consent of nine out of the thirteen states. During an adjourn¬ 
ment, the government was carried on hy a committee of states com¬ 
posed of one delegate from each state. There w^as a president but 
he had no higher power than any other congressional delegate. Power 
to provide means to support an army and the right of taxation was 
not given. Congress could make a requisition on the states for 
necessary funds, but had no power of enforcing or collecting the same. 
By the requirement of a two-thirds vote of the states, the action of 
four states alone could defeat urgently needed legislation. The states 
shared with Congress the power of the coinage of money, issuance and 
regulation of bills of credit and of making such paper money legal 
tender for debts. 

The absurd weakness of such a confederation soon impressed the 
country. Mad conflicts of interest arose. Selfish passions were un¬ 
loosed. Anarchy’s dark clouds descended upon the national horizon. 
Wise men despaired for they felt that the Republic was doomed. 
States discriminated against each other. Wood from Connecticut was 
not allowed to he sold in New" York without payment of a heavy 
duty. Connecticut boycotted New York merchandise. New Jersey 
made New York pay a tax of $1800 a year for a lighthouse erected at 
Sandy Hook and New York made New Jersey boats pay a heavy 
fee for entrance to the harbor. In addition to these seemingly petty 
quarrels, there frequently arose boundary disputes that almost led 
to armed conflict. Foreign nations asked our ministers if they w"ere 
to deal with one nation or thirteen. Franklin once wrote to John 
Adams, “When the states have not faith enough in a Congress of 
their owm choosing to trust it wnth money for the payment of a common 
debt, how can they expect that that Congress should meet with credit 
w^hen it w-ants to borrow more money for their use from strangers.” 
Congress was powerless to provide funds for carrying war to the 
Barbary pirates who sunk our ships and kidnapped, imprisoned or 


JOHN MARSHALL 


297 


killed our sailors. The confusion in matters of coin and currency 
was such as to place a premium on dishonesty and make counter¬ 
feiting almost a respectable profession, while wildest speculation created 
false values and cheated men into a reliance upon a prosperity that 
did not exist. 

Rhode Island and Connecticut had serious trouble over matters 
involved in depreciated paper currency. The Massachusetts Leg¬ 
islature was asked to pass a law making horses and cows a legal tender 
for debt. The bill was defeated and popular indignation was fired. 
The mob insisted on dealing severely with lawmakers, lawyers and 
judges. In one county a mob surmounted the Court House, demand¬ 
ing judgment that all debts be wiped out. The judges ran away in 
fear. This developed into the Shay Rebellion, which by January, 
1787, had assumed such desperate strength, that it alarmed the whole 
country. Vigorous measures brought this defiance to authority, to 
an inglorious finale, for the rebels, but not without serious dis¬ 
turbances, loss of life and destruction of property. Vermont and 
Rhode Island were in S5’mpathy with these rebellious proceedings 
and gave no aid to suppression of the offenders nor to arrest of such 
rebels as had fled from Massachusetts into her sister states. When 
it appeared that Massachusetts would need national aid a resolution 
conveying to Congress that Massachusetts would rely on support 
from the United States if such became necessary was defeated in the 
House of Representatives on the theory that it was not compatible 
with the dignity of that commonwealth to “allow U. S. troops to set 
foot upon her soil.” 

While these conflicts were being self inflicted upon the several 
commonwealths fate was preparing a human instrumentality marked 
out for a stupendous task. John Marshall who had bravely fought 
and lead men as an officer in the Revolutionary War, 
was getting his experience as a lawyer. He rose rapidly. Nature 
had conferred on him a great mind. He had sincerity and clear 
vision, possessed unsurpassed analyltical discernment, was accurate in 
deduction, unequalled in the rare gift of convincing all to the rea¬ 
sonableness of his conclusion. Such mental qualifications were ap- 


298 


MAKING A NATION 


propriate to the absolute need of the hour. There was no govern¬ 
ment like that of the American Federation. Complex questions con¬ 
stantly arose. Not only was legal procedure strange and untried but 
great difficulties arose in the application of established principles of 
law to the new political and governmental creed which America 
sought to establish. Aftermath of war brought exhaustive litigation. 
Courts were overwhelmed with legal business. Through this maze 
of intricacy Marshall wended his legal pathway to a speedy eminence, 
and a recognized leadership of the Bar of the State of Virginia. 

The case of Ware vs. Hylton, involving the question of the 
legality of debt incurred prior to the war by a colonist, and the right 
of a British subject, to enforce collection of same in a state court, 
was one of the early famous cases argued by Mr. Marshall. His 
masterly presentation of the law in this important matter gave him 
national renown. Patrick Henry was associated with Marshall and 
John Wickham. Baker and others held briefs for the English cred¬ 
itors. Patrick Henry had made more careful preparation than for 
any previous case. As a war measure, Virginia had declared by 
statute that “Americans in debt to British creditors might be absolved 
from their indebtedness by paying the amount into the State Treasury. 
The treaty of 1783 between the United States and Great Britain 
provided that creditors on either side should meet with no lawful 
impediment to the recovery of the full value in sterling money, of all 
subsisting bona fide debts theretofore contracted. 

Marshall contended that the act of Virginia was a bar to re¬ 
covery of the debt and that the treaty did not operate to remove that 
bar. He maintained that Virginia during the war was an independent 
sovereignity and that its legislature had power to extinguish debts due 
citizens of the enemy nation and that such power had been duly 
exercised. He further contended that having confiscated the debt 
discharged the debtor, that no treaty subsequently made could revive 
the debt in favor of the plaintiff. He claimed further that the 
Congress of the U. S. had no power by treaty or otherwise to take 
away a vested right, the right of discharge to the debtor which 
Virginia, a sovereign state had conferred, when it permitted the 


JOHN MARSHALL 


299 


citizen of Virginia to pay his debt into the State Treasury, where 
said funds were used against a common enemy. To appreciate the 
force, power, logic of the argument it is necessary for one to read 
the entire speech. A mere synopsis does not express even a faint 
idea of its mastery of the subject. It contains throughout not one 
unnecessary word. It stamped him not only the greatest legal mind in 
Virginia but perhaps the biggest legal figure of the entire country. 

The Supreme Court decided adversely to Marshall, not as I 
take it so much on the legal aspect as upon the higher grounds of 
public policy. Repudiation following war is a stern resort but it 
would have been a particularly evil policy on our part at that 
period. Though the Jay treaty in controversy had been settled be¬ 
tween the nations, England was greatly irritated and there was 
violent opposition to the provisions of the treaty in America. At this 
time England still maintained a hope that certain antagonisms might 
arise whereby she could again assert control of our country. Repudia¬ 
tion of debts due from Americans to pre war creditors would still fur¬ 
ther have embittered Great Britain. The treaty coincidently intended, 
whether legal or not, to make provision for such collection and its 
terms bound English debtors to pay American creditors. This was 
the only case in which John Marshall appeared before the Supreme 
Court of the United States and though he failed to gain a victory, 
he won high respect as an advocate of commanding ability. 

Slowly the public mind was focused upon the utter inability of 
this nation to exist under its present scheme of operation. Maryland 
first proposed to Congress a plan that had a great bearing on the 
later project of the organization of a strong central government. 
Massachusetts, New York, Connecticut and Virginia all laid con¬ 
flicting claims to vast Western territory. Maryland suggested as 
early as 1777 that these four rival claimants cede to the United 
States all the vast territory in dispute and thus create a domain 
which would be owned by the Confederacy in common. It obtained 
no support. But Maryland pursued the matter to successful con¬ 
clusion and by 1785, all the four states had put through, under certain 
acceptable conditions, the original Maryland project. Fiske the histor- 


300 


MAKING A NATION 


ian claims that the credit of laying the cornerstone of the American 
union belongs to Maryland. Jefferson played a conspicuous part in 
the delivery by Virginia of her territor}'. In a plan which he pro¬ 
posed for the government of this area he outlined a scheme for the 
gradual abolition of slavery, which, if adopted, would probably have 
settled that great issue without armed conflict between North and 
South. 

Step by step Washington and other great patriots lead the public 
mind toward the discussion of a more perfect union. September ii, 
1786, a rump convention was held at Annapolis to consider certain 
matters of interstate commerce. It was designed as an excuse to get 
the states together to talk things over. It was rather a failure, for 
some of the states did not honor it by sending delegates. Before 
adjournment, however, Alexander Hamilton of New York, pre¬ 
pared an address which was adopted and sent to all the states. In 
this he urged the appointment by all states of commissioners to meet 
in May of 1787, “to devise such further provision as shall appear to 
them necessary to render the Constitution of the Federal Govern¬ 
ment adequate to the exigencies of the Union and to report to Con¬ 
gress such an act as when agreed to by them, and confirmed by the 
Legislature of every state would effectually provide for the same.” 
Congress disapproved of this basic suggestion. But difficulties so 
multiplied that Congress could not but realize keenly its own power¬ 
lessness. So serious did the situation appear to James Madison that 
he prevailed upon the legislature of Virginia to appoint delegates 
even before Congress had consented to Hamilton’s plan for the Con¬ 
stitutional Convention. 

Virginia, the dominating influence in colonial affairs feared the 
excesses of coming anarchy more than she did centralized powder. 
Madison, a skilled manipulator of men, cunningly named George 
Washington as a delegate. This met with unanimous approval. Con¬ 
gress finally approved and ratified the call. Massachusetts warned by 
the Shay rebellion forsook her statehood pride of Independence from 
national restraint and named delegates. All other states except 
Rhode Island agreed, and so on May 14, 1787, the convention met in 


JOHN MARSHALL 


301 


that historic hall from which had blazoned forth to humankind the 
immortal Declaration of Independence. 

Fifty-five delegates answered to the call of the roll. Twenty- 
nine were university men. Benjamin Franklin, at 8i, was the 
oldest and Dayton of New Jersey, 26, was the youngest mem¬ 
ber. Alexander Hamilton was 30 and James Madison 36. Wash¬ 
ington was chosen presiding officer. The leading advocates of 
the Constitution were Hamilton and Madison. The opposition 
was lead by Rufus King and Luther Martin. This Convention 
developed a number of forceful speakers. Most of the delegates 
were patriotic and conscientious. There was deep rooted opposition. 
Between the straight from the shoulder strongly centralized union 
of Hamilton and unchecked power of statehood of Rufus King arose 
an antagonism most difficult to reconcile. So hopeless did the situa¬ 
tion appear that Hamilton, toward the close, left the Convention in 
high digust. Madison, of Virginia, more effective in moulding men 
to his will, remained and by dogged determination finally succeeded in 
securing adoption. No person of today can appreciate the struggle. 
The convention was held behind locked doors in the dead of sum¬ 
mer, and at times aroused a bitterness that seemed to sear the very 
souls of men. Yet as the work neared completion, men appeared 
saturated with an awe, dignity and solemnity which proved that 
the Convention as a whole was fully impressed that right or wrong 
a collosal task had been accomplished. In 1754, Benjamin Franklin 
had put forth an outline for a federal union of the thirteen colonies. 
He had signed the Declaration of Independence and now he attached 
his signature to the new Constitution. Jefferson was not in the 
Convention, but at sight of a draft of the instrument, said, “it was 
a good canvass, but needed retouching.” Flamilton did not think it 
strong enough and Aaron Burr who also had held aloof, felt that it 
could never survive. Though adopted by the Convention, there was 
still herculean labors to be performed. Until ratified by the in¬ 
dividual states, it could not become the governing law of the land. 
Patriots now addressed themselves to this monumental and supreme 
task. 


302 


MAKING A NATION 


This memorable Convention dissolved September, 1787* The 
delegates prepared for their homeward journeys, to render to their con¬ 
stituents an account of the work. There now began a struggle for 
ratification or rejection that wrought the country to the highest 
pitch of excitement. Benjamin Franklin sought approval by Penn¬ 
sylvania, the day after the Convention adjourned. Action was de¬ 
layed until consideration of the Constitution had been undertaken 
by the Continental Congress which, after wandering about, was 
now holding its ineffective sessions at the City of New York. Strong 
opposition developed in Congress against submission of the Con¬ 
stitution to the several states but it was overcome. Thus the Con¬ 
stitution with a letter from George Washington was ordered “to be 
transmitted to the several legislatures in order to be submitted to a 
convention of delegates in each state by the people thereof, in con¬ 
formity to the resolves of the Convention.” 

All eyes centered on the State of Virginia. If this state rejected 
the Constitution, its doom was easily foreseen. A number of states 
had ratified prior to final action in Virginia, toward which state 
every eye in America was tensely directed. In the bitter conflict 
that arose the arguments and statements of its opponents, seem almost 
criminal to us of this generation. It was charged by men of high 
standing that Hamilton and Madison were mere boys of immature 
judgment, that Franklin was a weak old dotard in his second child¬ 
hood, that Washington may have been a good soldier but was ignorant 
of political state craft and in the “Sentinel” a public newspaper it 
was declared editorially that “Washington was a born fool!” It was 
claimed that the Convention had squabbled, had almost broken up 
over fundamental differences, that some delegates had retired in 
disgust and others had refused to sign the instrument, which, if 
operative, would bring untold disaster upon the people. Even bribery 
and corruption was charged. This struggle over the adoption divided 
the country into two parties, the Federalists and the Anti-Federalists. 

On June 2, 1788, the Virginia Convention opened its sessions at 
Richmond. The opposition was headed by Patrick Henry, George 
Mason, Benjamin Harrison, James Tyler and James Monroe. Those 


JOHN MARSHALL 


303 


favoring ratification were lead by James Madison, George Randolph 
and John Marshall, though many less able men on both sides wrought 
faithfully and earnestly. Here was born in John Marshall then 
33 years of age and the foremost lawyer of his state, that devotion 
to the Constitution which furnished inspiration for his later judicial 
career that made him one of the greatest and most serviceable citizens 
which our country has ever developed. Three weeks of intense debate 
ensued and on June 25 the Constitution was ratified by a vote of 89 
to 79, and the defeated party honorably announced its intention to 
loyally abide by the will of this slight majority. This contest called 
forth great power and high moral courage, for Virginia was jealous 
of her great position and did not desire to submit herself to any higher 
authority. 

When the battle was hottest in Massachusetts and the sug¬ 
gestion made of holding another Convention, Washington, with good 
judgment, opposed the suggestion, urging upon the public that “If 
another Federal Convention is attempted, its members will be more 
discordant and will agree on no general plan. The Constitution is 
the best that can be obtained at this time. . . . The Constitution 

or disunion are before us to choose from. If the Constitution is 
our choice, a Constitutional door is open for amendments and they 
m.ay be adopted in a peaceable manner, without tumult or disorder.” 
This helped to calm the battle in Massachusetts. Alexander Hamilton 
and Madison, through the masterly “Federalist” aided New York 
in its doubtful struggle and in time ratification was secured by eleven 
states. Rhode Island and North Carolina did not ratify until after the 
new’ government had been organized and in successful operation under 
its first president, George Washington. 

As a defender of the proposed Constitution, Marshall had no 
mean opponents in Patrick Henry and James Monroe. The latter 
fought bitterest against granting the power of taxation to Congress. 
Marshall proved the utter imbecility of depending on the system of a 
mere requisition on the state. All delegated powers he urged were 
liable to abuse, but the withholding of necessary power was to in¬ 
vite anarchy and confusion. “What are the objects of the National 


304 


MAKING A NATION 


Government? To protect the United States and to promote the 
general welfare. Protection in time of war is one of the primal ob¬ 
jects. Until mankind shall cease to have avarice and ambition, wars 
shall arise. There must be money and men to protect us. How are 
armies to be raised? Must we not have money for that purpose? 
But the honorable gentlemen says that we need not be afraid of war. 
Look at history. Look at the great volume of human nature. They 
will both tell you that a defenceless country cannot be secure. The 
passions of men stimulate them to avail themselves of the weakness 
of others. The powers of Europe are jealous of us. They must 
be pleased with our disunion. If we add debility to our present 
situation, a partition in America may take place. It is then necessary 
to give the government that power, in time of peace, which the 
necessity of war will render indispensable or else we shall be attacked 
unprepared. If we defer giving the necessary power to the General 
Government till the moment of danger arrives, we shall give it then 
with an unsparing hand. (How like divine prophecy this seems, 
when as a penalty for unpreparedness, our nation during the late 
European conflict, was allowed to riot in blood and treasure, the like 
of which all history had not witnessed before.) Mr. Marshall pro¬ 
ceeds to explain the safeguard thrown around the taxing power, and 
reverted again to the necessity of wisdom in the choice of the men 
to whom this vast power would be delegated. He concluded with an 
expression of a profound conviction of the virtue and talents of those 
members who should be chosen to administer the General Govern¬ 
ment, and held that they would be equal to their responsibilities, 
all of which would tend rather to the security than destruction of 
our liberty. Monroe and Henry though sincere in patriotism rather 
appealed to emotion and passions while Marshall addressed himself 
to logic and concrete reason. 

There was scarcely a question arose which did not involve the 
protest that encroachment of State Rights was the vital and funda¬ 
mental aim of the new Constitution. This arose emphatically in the 
consideration of the Constitutional provisions concerning the judiciary. 
Here a gigantic battle was waged, Marshall, as usual, defending 


JOHN MARSHALL 


305 


the Constitution and doing much to clear the atmosphere of false 
claims and feeble conclusions of Monroe, Mason and Henry. He 
showed in irrefutable manner, the absurdity of conflict between 
National and State Courts, he proved the clear line of jurisdiction and 
point by point beat down opposition. So fine and manly was Marshall 
in all his labors at this Convention, that beloved old Patrick Henry 
whom he fought the hardest, said, “I have highest veneration and 
respect for the honorable gentlemen, and I have experienced his 
candor on all occasions.” Other delegates were not quite so generous. 
They would have been still more bitter had they known what 
Marshall’s later course of action would bring forth. 

Marshall early earned happy distinction in his profession. He 
won leadership at the bar of Virginia in dignified and honorable 
competition with men of great eminence. From the war of the Rev¬ 
olution and through the trying period under the Articles of Con¬ 
federation, the profession of law called for highest qualities of mental 
ability. Everything was new and unsettled. Questions of principle 
as well as procedure were settled, not by precedent but in the light of 
reason and with patient regard to new social and political conditions. 
Men had to reason from general principles and to be guided by the 
spirit of natural justice. Thus by the original construction of the 
mind of Marshall he was able to play a great part in this confused 
and pathless theatre of legal action. The necessities of the period and 
Marshall’s great fitness for his task were in most peculiar harmony. 
This great and pronounced success were remarkable in view of his 
lack of those attributes of personal attractiveness ordinarily deemed 
essential to success in professional employment. He was careless in 
dress and unattractive in appearance. His voice was harsh, his gesture 
without grace and often awkward. In spite of these handicaps he had 
the power of grasping with resistless force the attention of those whom 
he addressed, and of holding it until he had won conviction that 
could not be shaken. He did this by a matchless power of analysis 
which enabled him by a single glance of his mind to reach the funda¬ 
mental and vital issue of a controversy and convey that thought 
through opposition to victory. This wondrous power seemingly came 


306 


MAKING A NATION 


without ehEort even as a ray of light penetrates darkness. No man 
had deeper convictions and whose sincerity allowed no doubt. He 
compelled admission of his premise and then so clearly was the conclu¬ 
sion drawn that there was absolutely no escape from the logic he 
presented. He wasted no effort on rhetorical garlands. Every sen¬ 
tence progressed to some new step in the ladder of thought. The 
hearer was given no pause, the matter was unfolded serenely and 
securely, until the climax of ultimate conclusion came with mathe¬ 
matical certainty. 

Marshall was chosen to the General Assembly of Virginia from 
the Counties of Fauquer and Henrico from 1782 to 1788. Without 
political experience his native judgment early had convinced him of 
the necessity of substituting a strong and effective national govern¬ 
ment for the non-functioning and existing Confederacy. His early 
attention was directed to the pressing necessity of raising money with 
which to pay the soldiers and officers of the Revolution now about to 
be disbanded, many of whom were utterly destitute. Virginia’s re¬ 
sources had been exhausted and an appeal from Congress for the 
payment of her quota toward national expense, of necessity remained 
unheeded, though Marshall gave every support possible to the Con¬ 
gressional request. As a legislator he w^as useful but not conspicuous. 
In 1788 he was honored by election to the Convention called to con¬ 
sider ratification or rejection of the proposed Constitution. His service 
in this highly important matter is discussed in another part of my 
address, but it may be said in passing that he was part of that vital 
force which compelled favorable action and gained still higher dis¬ 
tinction before the people of the country. 

Reluctantly did Marshall, in the face of intense opposition, per¬ 
mit himself to be returned to the legislature after the Constitution 
was finally adopted and had become the Supreme Law of the Land. 
Virginia, through her politicians, opposed almost every act of the 
Administration of George Washington. But Marshall gave Wash¬ 
ington his unswerving support. He refused to run for the legislature 
again in 1792 and returned to the practice of his profession and soon 
was on one side or another of every important piece of litigation 


JOHN MARSHALL 


307 


in the State and Federal Courts. Marshall was drawn out of the 
privacy of professional life to publicly defend George Washington 
for his policy of neutrality between England and France at a time 
when Jefferson and Monroe and others sought to inflame the public 
mind in behalf of an open alliance with France. Marshall united 
in a call to the citizens of Richmond, Virginia, for a meeting at which 
resolutions were adopted, voicing approval of Washington’s course. 
Defeated by Marshall in argument, his political enemies revenged 
themselves by assailing him with bitter vituperation. He was de¬ 
nounced as an aristocrat. He was charged with British sympathy 
and as an implacable foe to republican institutions. This opinion 
of him was not shared by those who knew his purity of personal 
conduct and his matchless patriotism. These base charges did not 
deter him, for when the Jay Treaty had been negotiated and was 
opposed by many, he again forced Virginia citizens by resolution, to 
publicly approve, even after the demagogues had secured a contrary 
action. 

The next call to public service was an appointment as Co-Am¬ 
bassador Extraordinary with Pinckney and Gerry to France. It was 
a dangerous mission. France was enraged over the Jay treaty, by 
which an honorable peace had been concluded between Great Britain 
and the United States. French politicians had designed to act as 
protecting overlords to our new Republic. By superior statesman¬ 
ship, we had defeated this purpose, but diplomats had unmasked false 
pretensions and uncloaked selfish designs. Monroe had been recalled 
from France by reason of too deep a sympathy with the French 
Revolution and an utter violation of his instructions. The insolence 
and aggressions perpetrated by France on our Commerce in viola¬ 
tion of our treaty with her of 1788, had created great apprehension 
in America. Even in the face of these wrongs committed by France, 
she herself was violently inflamed against our country and war seemed 
almost inevitable. France had even gone so far as to order our rep¬ 
resentative out of the country and to threaten police surveillance. 
President John Adams had called Congress in special session and as 
the result of a fearless patriotic message, that body had passed the 


308 


MAKING A NATION 


necessary laws, to partially put the country in a state of defense. 
Marshall and his associates arrived in Paris October 4, 1797 - Talley¬ 
rand received the United States Envoys and on presentation of their 
letters duly acknowledged them. Later he notified them that the 
Directory had demanded of him a report on the respective conditions 
of affairs between the two nations, that he was preparing such report 
and when finished in the due course of time, the United States Envoys 
would be informed. Talleyrand thus far had shown friendliness. 

A few days later one of Talleyrand’s emissaries informed the clerk 
of the American Consulate that the Directory was highly enraged over 
the speech of President Adams to Congress, and that until satis¬ 
factory explanations had offered the Americans would not be publicly 
or officially received. Talleyrand covertly and deftly insinuated, 
however, that certain persons wmuld confer with the American minis¬ 
ters who would report to Talleyrand, who it was impressed would 
have sole charge of the negotiations. It is needless to go through the 
steps of the insidious plot by which this corrupt French diplomat 
sought to secure a collossal bribe, which, if paid, he, by enriching him¬ 
self, agreed to influence the French Directory to comply with the 
just demands of the United States. In writing, through recognized 
emissaries, Talleyrand agreed, upon a disavowal of certain phases of 
the message of President Adams to Congress, payment to him of 
$250,000 and in addition an indefinite loan to France, he absolutely 
offered to set aside and settle all difficulties which had arisen be¬ 
tween the two nations. 

Talleyrand made it urgently necessary that the envoys of 
the United States should expressly repudiate the Presidential dec¬ 
larations, otherwise it would be impossible to remove the hostile 
attitude of the Directory. The loan, it was hinted, could be 
covered by the purchase of Dutch securities at fifty cents on the dollar 
and turning them into the United States Government at par. All 
these reprehensible propositions were from time to time submitted to 
the American ministers and by them considered with sentiments of 
horror and disgust. Instant indignation was useless. They had to 
drain the facts dry in order to render efficient service to their country. 


JOHN MARSHALL 


309 


They played for time suggesting that while they had ample power to 
negotiate a commercial treaty, they had none to make a loan or pay 
money. They further offered to send one of their number back to 
the United States for further instructions, provided France, during 
the interval, would cease all hostile orders concerning commerce, per¬ 
sons or property of the United States or any of its citizens. Talley¬ 
rand’s agent, conniving to secure a bribe, could not be satisfied with 
any such reasonable suggestion. 

Finally the Americans, in their reply, stated unequivocally 
that under no circumstances or condition would they disavow or 
apologize for President Adams. The demand for money was 
insistent until, pressed for a definite and final answer, our repre¬ 
sentatives replied, “It is no, not a sixpence.” Thus far the nego¬ 
tiations had been conducted by these alleged confidential hirelings. 
At length the American ministers stood face to face with the 
licentious and corrupt Talleyrand himself, who gave conclusive 
proof that the propositions delivered by these unofficial minions, had 
been completely authorized. He did not relish the idea of making 
these demands for money to all three American ministers and he singled 
out Gerry for most of his vile suggestions. Talleyrand did not ap¬ 
prove sending one minister back to America and made it quite mani¬ 
fest that the fifty thousand Francs was to be paid cash down before 
he wmuld use his vast (?) influence with the Directory! After all 
efforts to secure final and honorable treatment had failed, the American 
ministers declined to hold further communications with official France. 

But they made one more effort. Marshall was directed by his 
colleagues to set forth in writing our cause, which he did with 
model precision and complete accuracy. Talleyrand, on receipt of 
this, met the delegates and with insolence and effrontery complained 
that they had not conferred with him as they should, otherwise all 
matters have been adjusted and they might have had an interview 
with the Directory. Marshall then put on his fighting clothes. He 
declared that it was a matter of no importance whether they had an 
interview with the Directory or not, that the Americans would not 
continue negotiation without proper recognition, that to raise or 


310 


MAKING A NATION 


lend money to France to carry on war with England, would be 
practically taking part in the war and that so doing without special 
authority from their Government was absolutely out of the question. 
Two weeks passed and Talleyrand intimated that the Directory might 
be disposed to proceed with Gerry but not with Pinckney and Mar¬ 
shall. The latter replied that their power was joint, not several, that 
no one minister could conclude negotiation without the cooperation 
and assent of all. They concluded by demanding passports and letters 
of safe conduct. Even then Talleyrand endeavored to create the 
impression that he had driven out Marshall and Pinckney and refused 
the usual official exequater extended to foreign ministers upon re¬ 
tirement from the country to which they had been accredited. Mar¬ 
shall boldly accused Talleyrand of violationg the law of nations 
and the Frenchman responded by claiming that Marshall was not a 
foreign minister, but only an American citizen and that he must 
obtain his passports in the ordinary way. Marshall made Talleyrand 
an object of contempt by proving the latter’s utter ignorance of 
international law, and Marshall compelled France to grant passports 
and left Paris on April 12. Gerry was bulldozed into remaining on 
the threat of an immediate declaration of war. His intentions were 
good, but he was harshly criticized at home for his action. 

Marshall and his colleagues reported in full to the President 
and he bared the entire matter before Congress. Upon publication, 
the nation was roused to great indignation. This did not suit the 
plan of Jefferson who always gave France his sj^mpathy. Nor was 
it pleasing to Jefferson to note the high honors conferred on Marshall 
upon his arrival to New York. His reception by the people was 
held by Jefferson to have been staged by Alexander Hamilton to 
strengthen the Federalist party before the nation! Jefferson, in many 
respects, was a very small minded man. His personal hatreds were 
intense and violent. When for any reason he disliked a man he inevitably 
under-rated his abilities. He was jealous of Washington and deep down 
he deemed him of small ability and easily led into WTong by stronger 
and abler men. He had just cause to dislike and suspect Aaron Burr, 
and he pursued him with implacable hatred. He despised Alexander 


JOHN MARSHALL 


311 


Hamilton and very unjustly and mercilessly held that Hamilton 
plotted to subvert the Union and establish a monarchy. He hated 
and feared John Marshall, whom he claimed was an aristocrat and 
who, as a Federalist in Virginia, often weakened Jefferson’s political 
standing and influence. When Washington almost compelled Mar¬ 
shall to run for Congress, it stirred Jefferson to the point of predict¬ 
ing that in that body his party would be able to unmask Marshall’s 
pretension and force him to show his British proclivities. Above all, 
Jefferson feared Marshall as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. 
What he saw and did about the trial of Aaron Burr will be dis¬ 
cussed later. The fact remains, however, that his hatred of Marshall 
extended over many years, that while he had to concede Marshall’s 
ability, he claimed that all these powers were used for wrongful 
purposes, that Marshall was not a true Am.erican but that the great 
jurist was pro-British and that the trend of his mind was toward 
such a centralization of power as would eventually be used to subvert 
the liberties of the common people. 

In 1798 a vacancy having occurred, President Adams offered a 
justiceship of the United States Supreme Court to Marshall. Mean¬ 
while George Washington, who, though retired, still took the most 
genuine interest in the country’s welfare, had urged Marshall to run 
for Congress, said he in a letter to his nephew, Bushrod Washington, 
“The crisis is important. The temper of the people in the state, at least 
in some places, is so violent and outrageous, that I wish to consult with 
General Marshall and yourself on the elections which must come 
soon.” Thereupon Marshall started on horseback with B. W. for 
Mount Vernon. On the way, by accident their saddle bags were 
exchanged for those of others and on arrival they were utterly with¬ 
out proper apparel. A dinner at Mount Vernon was a rather courtly 
affair. Full dress was always in evidence. Slaves in livery were 
highly shocked at any departure from the conventional customs. 
Washington v/as highly elated over the misadventure. The only 
offended persons were the colored servants who evidently thought, 
“Massa Marshall poh white trash!” Marshall, who had inherited 
a large estate and possessed an independent fortune would have 


312 


MAKING A NATION 


gloried in a place on the bench but he had promised Washington to 
stand for Congress, and though he was bitterly opposed by Jefferson 
and his party he made the run. So desperate was the conflict, that 
Marshall’s enemies circulated the report that the aged patriot Patrick 
Henry was opposed to his election. Henry honorably resented the 
use of his name in such manner and came out openly in a letter in 
which he not only repudiated the claim of the opposition but declared 
that Marshall was a true republican, possessed pre-eminent ability, 
was by great odds the fittest man in Virginia to represent that State 
in Congress and that he fully intended to cast his vote for Marshall. 
Neither Jefferson nor any of the clan could push the old orator into 
a false position nor turn him from that course which he honestly 
believed was for the good of the country. 

The contest was close. It was held at the Court House. The 
sheriff presided. The two candidates, Marshall and Clopton, sat 
on the bench of the judge of the Court. The voter was asked for 
which of the two did he desire his vote recorded. Upon announcing 
his choice it was recorded by a clerk while the candidate favored, ex¬ 
pressed his thanks for the honor thus conferred. Marshall’s victory 
was received through the country with mingled emotions. Wash¬ 
ington was delighted. Jefferson saw that Marshall’s popularity was 
due to his “lax, lounging manners” and through “a profound hypoc- 
racy.” But in Congress his British principles would stand revealed. 
New England politicians were curious about Marshall. They did 
not relish his opposition to the Alien and Sedition laws, but they 
were compelled to respect his consistent devotion to his principles and 
were compelled to acknowledge his force of character and mental 
superiority. Upon the death of Washington, Marshall’s was the 
voice that paid tribute and which moved the resolutions which were 
adopted. After a brief and rather uneventful congressional career he 
was called to the Cabinet first, as Secretary of War and later as 
Secretary of State. As Secretary of State his instructions to Rufus 
King, our ambassador to Great Britain, showed lofty devotion to his 
country and a keen appreciation of a very delicate diplomatic situa¬ 
tion. It possessed a tone conciliatory and yet unyielding in support of 
our just demand for righteous treatment. 


JOHN MARSHALL 


313 


When the election of 1800 could not be settled by the tribunal 
provided in the first instance it was taken to the House of Representa¬ 
tives. Though taking no active part in the final decision of the 
controversy, Marshall was inclined to favor Burr as against Jefferson. 
He knew little of Burr at that time and much of Jefferson. Alexander 
Hamilton wrote to Marshall explaining in detail the real character 
of Burr and while he (Marshall) disclaimed activity he admitted 
Burr’s unfitness, but could not bring himself to aid Jefferson. His 
answ’er to Hamilton made it quite clear that if Jefferson was elected 
he could not serve under that statesman on any cabinet position. 

President Adams, in January, 1801, appointed Marshall Chief 
Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States and he took the 
oath of office February 4, 1801, filling this position to July 6, 
1835. Like all Am.erican institutions, the Supreme Court of 
the nation has been loosely conducted and though presided over 
by able judges had not functioned to the satisfaction of the 
country. Marshall had been made Chief Justice of the Court 
over others who might have been entitled to that honor by seniority, 
but Adams preferred him and the President’s selection apparently 
aroused no hostility. 

He organized the Court as one of concerted and not indi¬ 
vidual opinion and if there were differences they were ironed 
out before the opinion of the Court was announced through the 
lips of the Chief Justice. Again was Marshall called on to blaze 
the trail in judicial interpretation. The creation of this union 
by the terms of a written expression of organic law was an untried 
experiment, made complex by the existence of many semi-sovereign 
state entities. The public mind was confused over the many issues 
to be solved, for which many had no precedent and nothing of past 
experience as guide. The Constitution and the government under 
it was watched with great anxiety. Many predicted and some 
hoped that it would fail. Adams was so satisfied with Marshall s 
appointment and fitness that he regarded it as among the finest bits 
of service which he had rendered to his country. Ex-President Adams 
so expressed himself to the eldest son of the Chief Justice when the 


314 


MAKING A NATION 


younger Marshall visited the elder statesman at Quincy, Massachusetts. 
Some years after, the Chief Justice in speaking to his son, stated that 
the appointment came as a complete surprise but afforded him highest 
gratification, as “with his tastes he preferred being Chief Justice to 
being President.” A great author said of him, “Such were the solidity 
and clearness of his understanding, his intuitive perception of the 
fundamental principles of justice and right, which underlie the whole 
fabric of law that he soon reared a structure, which entitled him 
in mature life, to the highest rank in his profession.” William 
Pinckney of Maryland, a distinguished lawyer, after listening to 
several opinions, delivered by Chief Justice Marshall, said, “He was 
born to the Chief Justice of any country in which he lived.” He 
believed in broad principles, sweeping aside petty quibbles and ob¬ 
structive technicalities. No matter how deep a mass of learning and 
authorities was offered, he stripped the proposition naked and bare, 
uncovering the truth, reaching alwa5’^s justice and right, with a 
profound wisdom that seem.ed divine, untouched by influence, and 
with a moral and political courage beyond compare. Daniel Webster 
said, “I have never seen a man of whose intellect I had a higher 
opinion.” 

For thirty-four years he was the highest judicial officer of his 
country. His decisions fill thirty-two volumes of Supreme Court 
Reports. His greatest labor as a judge was devoted to cases involving 
international and constitutional law. In such issues a dissenting 
opinion was rarely offered. He gained complete knowledge of the 
Constitution in the Convention at Richmond where his masterly 
struggle for ratification gained him early distinction. His legislative, 
congressional, diplomatic, and cabinet experiences still further fitted 
him for profundity in its interpretation. Between contending political 
factions he desired no part. With him the supremacy of the law, 
under the Constitution was the sole purpose to be achieved. 

In the case of Gibbons vs. Ogden, the Court was called on to 
determine the rule governing the respective powers of the Federal Gov¬ 
ernment in its relation to the rights of states. He held against that 
strict and narrow view which would deny the Government the power 


JOHN MARSHALL 


315 


to carry out the object, for which it was formed, nor would he permit 
the States’ Rights advocates by their construction to build up state 
power by weakening the authority of the national government. Mar¬ 
shall was a just judge and he was impartial but he was not without 
individuality. He was strongly impressed with his country’s needs and 
her peril. He clearly saw, as did Washington before him and John 
Quincy Adams after him, that unless the states were forced to yield a 
portion of their authority to the nation, that the Union could not sur¬ 
vive. Therefore, he vvas as much a statesman as he was a judge. That 
which sometimes politicians did to weaken the Union, John Marshall 
undid by judicial decisions. Though there were three coordinate 
and supposedly independent branches of the Government under the 
Constitution, the Supreme Court at times arrogated to itself a power 
higher than the legislative and higher than that of the executive. 
This great reservoir of power was not often used but when the 
Supreme necessity came, Marshall did not hesitate to act and had his 
authority been ignored or denied, I have no doubt that he would have 
found means to carry into execution the decrees and judgments of his 
Court and the Nation would have sustained him. He knew that he 
was creating law and in its creation he reared a structure bent on 
the preservation, not destruction of the Union! 

In Marbury vs. Madison, the question at issue was whether or 
not the Court had power to declare invalid an act of Congress upon 
the ground of its repugnance to the Constitution. Chief Justice 
Marshall held that the Court had authority to set aside a Congressional 
act in conflict with the Constitution but also held that it could only 
act in the case at bar in an appellate and not in an original pro¬ 
ceeding. In Fletcher vs. Peck, which came up on appeal from the 
State of Georgia, the Court held that one legislature could not repeal 
the act of a previous legislature under which vested rights had been 
passed, because under the Constitution it is declared that no state 
shall pass any bill of attainder, expost facto law or law impairing 
the obligation of contracts. 

The case of the Dartmouth College developed a most interesting 
contention. A charter had been granted to this institution of learning 


316 


MAKING A NATION 


in colonial times by the Crown In the year 1769. In 1816, the New 
Hampshire legislature passed acts seeking to amend this original 
charter. The trustees would not accept and appealed to the Courts 
and the case finally came before the Supreme Court of the United 
States. Daniel Webster appeared for the college, where in youth he 
had been a loyal student. The court decided that the charter as 
originally granted constituted a contract whose obligation the legis¬ 
lature of New Hampshire had attempted to Impair, and that this 
action of the legislature was repugnant to and a violation of the 
Constitution of the United States and consequently void. This was 
but another step toward conferring supremacy on the national Govern¬ 
ment, through judicial authority. 

In McCullough vs. the State of Maryland, the authority of 
Congress to incorporate a national bank was questioned by a state. 
The issue was brought about by the City of Baltimore, levying a tax 
on a branch national bank and the refusal of the bank to pay such 
tax. A great array of counsel represented the contending litigants. 
Among other points of pleading, a denial was made of the right of 
Congress to incorporate a national bank upon the theory that such 
power was not expressly set forth in the Constitution. Chief Justice 
Marshall, in rendering judgment, said that the Constitution had con¬ 
ferred on the Government the power to lay and collect taxes, to 
borrow money, to regulate commerce, to declare and conduct a war, 
and to raise and support armies and navies. The power being 
given it was in the Interest of the nation to facilitate its execution. To 
this is added that Congress has the power to make all laws, “which 
shall be necessary and proper for carrying Into execution the fore¬ 
going powers and all other powers vested by the Constitution in the 
Government of the United States or any department thereof.” He 
further held that neither the State of Maryland, nor the City of 
Baltimore, had a legal right to tax the bank. 

In Cohen vs. State of Virginia, Congress had passed an act 
authorizing a lottery by the City of Washington. Cohen was Indicted 
at Norfolk on charges with selling lottery tickets, the sale of which 
was prohibited under Virginia law. He was convicted in the State 


JOHN MARSHALL 


317 


Court. Alleging that his conviction involved construction of a 
national law, the case was carried up to the Supreme Court of the 
United States. The Court held Cohen’s conviction should be sus¬ 
tained but the Supreme Court had a right to asume jurisdiction over 
any case which involved a constitutional question. Justice Marshall 
said, “The United States form, for many and most important pur¬ 
poses a single nation. The states are constituent parts of the United 
States. They are members of one great empire. The exercise of the 
appellate power over those judgments of the state tribunals which 
may contravene the Constitution or laws of the United States is, 
we believe, essential to the attainment of these objects.” 

During the second term of Thomas Jefferson as President, Chief 
Justice Marshall was called on to preside at the trial of Aaron Burr, 
charged with the crime of high treason in levying war vs. the United 
States and for misdemeanor in preparing a military expedition against 
Mexico, then subject to Spain, a country, with which our nation was 
at peace. Burr’s spectacular career, his political prominence, his bold¬ 
ness and daring, the fact that he had been Vice-President and only 
lost the Presidency by a narrow margin, made the case one of ex¬ 
treme importance and fixed upon it the undivided attention of the 
whole country. 

Strange as it may appear. Burr had many partisans and 
drew to his defense some of the ablest lawyers of America. He 
also had relentless enemies of whom none was more conspicuous, 
malignant or persistent than Thomas Jefferson, President of the 
United States. Just as Jefferson had been behind the attempted im¬ 
peachment of Mr. Justice Chase, when Burr was vice-president, so 
now was President Jefferson deeply bent on the conviction and punish¬ 
ment of Aaron Burr. The President was now the mighty and 
powerful leader of a political party which had broken the might of 
the Federalists. This fact was enough to bring to Burr’s aid, mem¬ 
bers of the defeated party, who rightly or wrongly wanted Jefferson’s 
humiliation in tearing from his vengeance, this arch traitor to his 
country, traitor because in return for highest honors bestowed, there 
is no doubt that Burr designed and plotted to bring great evils on 


318 


MAKING A NATION 


his native land. With a cool effrontery almost admirable he main¬ 
tained, throughout the terrible ordeal, a placid demeanor, a calm 
confident air as though he was really participating in the trial of 
some innocent offender other than himself. Though assisted by able 
lawyers he was master of the case at every turn, and no cause ever 
before was so desperately contested. Upon conviction of treason the 
punishment was death. Not only that but Burr realized that no 
matter what might be the outcome of the trial that his political fate 
was sealed and that he was destined to a despised and hated oblivion. 
Had Jefferson been of counsel for the prosecution he could not have 
taken a deeper interest than he did. He advised, counselled and 
directed, though not personally present in the court room. 

When Burr was released and the jury’s verdict made known, 
Jefferson said, “The criminal is preserved to become the rallying 
point of all the disaffected and worthless of the United States, and 
to be the pivot on which all the Intrigues and conspiracies which 
foreign governments may wish to disturb us with, are to turn.” That 
was after the verdict on the main case of high treason. The Presi¬ 
dent still insisted on the misdemeanor prosecution and even sought 

* _ 

to suggest in advance what sort of sentence should be inflicted. This 
was not to be, for Burr was again acquitted, this time of the lesser 
charge in spite of the pressure brought to bear by the President and 
the entire administration. Even then Jefferson would have had Burr 
placed on trial in Ohio but the matter was not further prosecuted 
and Burr, with the brand of Cain upon his brow, fled secretly, not, 
however, until an experience at Baltimore, convinced even his cool 
and audacious mind, that eternal odium was to be his bitter fate, 
all the days of his misspent future life. 

Jefferson knew the utter impossibility of influencing Marshall 
and he hated, despised, and feared the Court therefore. Every sub¬ 
terfuge known to legal chicanery was utilized to secure conviction. 
Every appeal to passion or prejudice was called into play. What¬ 
ever opinion the learned Chief Justice may have held concerning 
the innocence or guilt of the accused, was carefully hidden from 
public view. It was fortunate for Burr and the nation that so 




JOHN MARSHALL 


319 


splendid a judicial character presided over the Court. This judge 
knew the law and the Constitution. He was master of the hour. He 
stood like a rock, unmoved by Jefferson’s intense desire to convict 
and Burr’s desperate need of acquittal. Whatever may have been 
the policy of Kings under the ancient regime in their unchecked 
power over men charged with disloyalty or treason, in America there 
was law and that law supreme. Marshall felt also that the Republic 
was on trial, that the Constitution was being tested. He was guided 
solely by the definition of treason set forth in that Constitution, that 
this heinous crim.e so repulsive, so black and dastardly, its punishment, 
death, consisted only in acts and not in intentions and designs and he 
knew that the burden of proof lay upon the prosecution. Counsel for 
the Government demanded bail for Burr when it appeared that the 
charge of misdemeanor was filed merely to hold the accused for the 
grand jury. The court fixed ball and for the time Burr kept out of 
prison. The defendant then made strenuous effort to obstruct the 
taking of testimony upon which an indictment was sought on the more 
serious charge of high treason. Judge Marshall ruled against him 
on this point, though defining the law and limiting the testimony 
within proper bounds. The grand jury heard the evidence and re¬ 
turned indictments both for misdeameanor and high treason. Burr 
and his counsel then made every effort to induce the Court to grant 
the defendant his liberty on bail. This being a capital offense the 
law forbid bail, pending trial, and so Judge Marshall committed 
Burr to prison, against the noisy protests of Burr and his Federalist 
attorneys, all political friends of Marshall. 

The conduct of Burr was bold and unblushing. Realizing his 
jeopardy he sought by every trick known to cunning minds to evade 
the issue. He played to popular and political passions. He posed 
as a martyr. He tried to make his trial a political issue between 
Aaron Burr and Thomas Jefferson. He pleaded time and again 
that he was alone and defenseless against the unequalled power of 
the Government and the President. He demanded that a subpoena 
be issued to President Jefferson, commanding him to appear at the 
trial and bring certain documents which he alleged were necessary to 


320 


MAKING A NATION 


his (Burr’s) defense. Jefferson bitterly resisted this. He sought 
to create the impression that the Chief Justice was influenced solely 
b}^ partisan politics iri directing such subpoena to issue. But Jefferson 
well knew that Marshall was without fear in the conduct of his 
great office and though President he did not dare disobey the Court’s 
order. He supplied the papers and had the trial proceeded to the 
point where his evidence in person would have been required he 
would have appeared and given testimony like any other citizen or 
Marshall would have punished him for contempt. Jefferson’s thin 
excuse was that it was beneath the dignity of his office. Marshall 
knew that upon this decision, he would gain the President’s ill wdll 
but he also knew the law and he knew w'hat justice required. 

But there was even a deeper motive. Under the earlier days of 
the Republic and even under the first years of the Constitution, Courts 
had not functioned in a manner to inspire popular confidence. Jef¬ 
ferson, in the attempted impeachment of Mr. Justice Chase had 
sought to make the judiciary subservient to legislative and executive 
will. Judge IMarshall saw in the Burr case a great opportunity, not 
only to administer exact justice but thereby to restore the judiciary to 
its proper sphere of influence and authority in the nation. In his 
opinion it was far more Important to give the defendant a fair trial 
than it was to avoid giving offense to Jefferson. He saw in this 
mighty cause the golden opportunity to show to the nation that the 
Supreme Court would give to every man of either high or low 
degree, accused of great or minor crime, the sure, full, complete, 
impartial protection afforded to him under the Constitution; that 
President or pauper stood equal before the majesty of the laiv! 

Vexatious delays whetted public fever. The selection of the final 
trial jury afforded the law57ers excellent opportunity to display wit 
and resource. From the difficulty in securing twelve good men and 
true, it could easily be gathered that the people thought Burr guilty 
as charged but that he had been too smart and cunning to leave 
behind his acts, legal proof of guilt. More time elapsed before the 
main witnesses arrived. Finally the real case began. The testimony 
was voluminous. True to form. Burr had been secretive, cunning. 


JOHN MARSHALL 


321 


careful, non-committal. Before his final sail down the Mississippi 
River, Jefferson had been informed as to his project. The President 
could have stepped him weeks before he finally did. But Jefferson 
wanted Burr to go so deep into the desperate adventure, that he 
could be convicted of treason. He wanted Burr to be so steeped 
in crime and offense against the country that he could not retrace 
his steps. He wanted Burr out of the way! But through all that 
maze of plotting there was no direct evidence of an overt act. There 
was suggestion, innuendo, secret scheming, conspiracy, but no direct 
act of war committed against the government of the United States. 
The prosecution strained every nerve but they did not prove that 
which under the Constitution of the United States, made up the crime 
of high treason! 

It is not necessary to go into the mass of detail which was 
presented upon every point raised. No case in America was more 
ably argued. Wythe, for the prosecution, though not profound 
was a popular orator, and Luther Martin for the defense was subtle, 
clever, convincing. No one of that day, who watched the conduct 
of the proceedings, could feel that the Chief Jusice was guided by 
any other motive than to administer justice impartially between the 
government and the accused. 

At the threshold of the trial the defendant had requested the 
Court to instruct the jury upon the law as applied to treason, 
maintaining that before collateral evidence could be admissible 
it was incumbent upon the prosecution to prove the overt acts. 
When an attempt was made to introduce such collateral evidence 
Judge Marshall sustained an objection on the part of the defense 
and learnedly, exhaustively instructed the jury. The case was 
thereupon submitted to the jury without further argument and 
a verdict of “not proven” was rendered. Burr escaped legal pun¬ 
ishment but not the condemnation of the country. Still unappeased, 
Jefferson ordered his further prosecution on the misdemeanor charge, 
but this too, was defeated on a technicality and Burr became a wan¬ 
derer, an exile in strange lands. Jefferson was so disgusted with the 
whole case and so incensed at Luther Martin who argued the motion 


322 


MAKING A NATION 


for the subpoena on the President that he instructed the State’s attorney 
to commit to prison “this audacious Federal bull dog.” He further 
stated that his professional defenders were all accomplices in Burr’s 
treasonable designs. 

The duty of dealing out impartial justice in this remarkable 
case was the most unpleasant encountered throughout Marshall’s 
entire service on the Supreme bench. To have obstructed President 
Jefferson in his plans for the punishment and removal of Burr gained 
a never ending hostility. No one familiar with the character of John 
Marshall could think him guilty of showing favor to the renegade 
American. Had he been a time-server, he could easily have aided 
the Presidential design. Had he been less courageous he could have 
compelled Burr’s conviction and satisfied the passions of the multi- 
ture, but he would not thus trail in the dust, the high and mighty 
trust confided to his sacred keeping. 

In a letter to Judge Peters of Philadelphia, dated November 
23, 1807, concerning a work on law. Judge Marshall alluded to the 
trial of Burr in the following words: “I received it while fatigued 
and occupied with the most unpleasant case which has ever been 
brought before a judge in this or perhaps in any other country which 
affected to be governed by law. . . .It was most deplorably 

serious and I could not give the subject a different aspect by treating 
it in any manner which was in my power. I might perhaps have 
made it less serious to myself by obeying the public will, instead of 
the public law and throwing a little more of the sombre upon others.” 

The contrast between the judge and the prisoner was striking. 
Each had served in high place. Burr had been a brave soldier, a 
cunning and famous lawyer, national legislator and vice-president. 
Marshall, likewise had faced the bullets of the British foe, had been 
legislator, cabinet minister, was now Chief Justice of the highest 
tribunal of his country. Burr was brilliant, polished, subtle, secre¬ 
tive. Marshall was solid, simple in manners, direct, open. Burr 
said that “law was anything plausibly asserted and stoutly main¬ 
tained.” Marshall believed that law was a rule of action commanding 
that which is right and prohibiting that which is wrong; and must 




JOHN MARSHALL 


323 


. be founded on justice and right. Burr had slain Alexander Hamilton, 
Marshall’s brother Federalist and friend. Two such pairs of eyes 
had rarely, if ever gazed into each others, both pairs black, brilliant, 
piercing. Marshall’s, those of a man of purpose, poise, dignity; 
Burr’s those of an unrestrained outlaw’s whose lusts and passions had 
been indulged without limit. Character plays a great part in men’s 
lives, great or small. When temiptation came to Marshall, high 
resolve, based on character, gave him strength to resist. When 
ambition lured Burr he turned aside from finer things, could see 
only the towering figure of Napoleon or some other cunning tyrant 
and he, Burr, stood ready to wade through shame, blood, treason, 
Vvdlling to devastate and bring ruin upon America in order that he 
might seize a throne and shine as the despotic ruler of a Western 
Empire. Lured by lust of power beyond his depths he fell. Had 
he but served his country as he served ambition, he would not in 
this critical hour have been “left naked and bare to the malice of his ’ 
enemies.” 

Marshall never unloosed an endless flood of mystical and con¬ 
fusing language. Simplicity marked his declarations and opinions. 
He clothed abstract thought or doctrine in clear, concise, plain words. 
He banished obscurity. Language with him was made to express 
not conceal intent or purpose. He reduced volumes to brief axioms. 
Legal puzzles were plainly solved. He cleared legal pathways of 
mere technical obstructions. He re-created the law, so that while 
majestic and fearful to the doer of evil, it stood as a pillar of fire to 
those who sought justice and right. But above and beyond this he 
lead this nation to bow to his lofty conception of the sublime purpose 
for which our national Constitution was adopted to guide and con¬ 
trol the noblest and happiest nation of the universe. As time recedes, 
so in proportion does his figure and service expand under the verdict 
of posterity. He was as wise, direct, and primal in his judgments 
as was Solomon. He was patient v/ith all but he despised the petti¬ 
fogger. His mental sword cut through all quibbles and laid bare 
the naked figure of truth. He had vision and looking down the 
corridor of time wrought, so that his country might life, to fulfill 


324 


MAKING A NATION 


that destiny which meant liberty and service to men, and so John 
Marshall walked upright, head erect, a just judge, an unsullied 
patriot, a true man, whose shining example will live always to in¬ 
spire the citizens of the country to whose well-being he dedicated a 
long and useful life. 

July, 1835, saw’ the peaceful end to this great American. That 
year had brought great physical suffering to the aged jurist. He 
had borne it all without complaint and with unfliching courage. He 
was conscious the last moment of existence and shortly before the 
final sleep, in his own handwriting, he penned his epitaph, brief, 
modest, and simple of his beloved wife and self. Courts grieved, 
politicians spoke softly, a nation mourned. The Supreme Court of the 
United States adopted resolutions offered by the distinguished lawyer 
and statesmen, Henry Clay and Mr. Justice Story, an associate of the 
Court spoke feelingly of the great judge with whom he had labored 
through so long a period of national service. Others have arisen and 
judged over the people but no man yet has served upon the Supreme 
Bench of the United States quite so fitted to wear the judicial mantle 
so worthily worn by John Marshall of Virginia. When such a citizen 
is anointed by the will of God to this responsibility, he, like Marshall, 
will give back to the plain people that Constitutional protection, 
sometimes endangered by the greed, cupidity and selfishness of the 
petty and contemptuous politicians who plunder people for pelf and 
pow’er. 

More than one hundred years swiftly have sped over national 
life since Chief Justice John Marshall laid the foundations of national 
policy through judicial decision. That century has been rich in world 
progress. Likewise has it been impoverished by epochs of destruction 
that laid slavish tribute for generations to come upon the plain people ^ 
of the world. Our own nation, departing from Constitutional safe¬ 
guards, lured by the false prophets of disunion, paid the awful price 
w’ith Civil War. It took more than fifty years to restore brotherhood 
between the North and South. Jefferson inflamed the popular mind 
with the menace to liberty Involved in centralized pow’er. Marshall 
had loftier faith, and Marshall was right. No man, elevated to 




JOHN MARSHALL 


325 


the American Presidency has ever failed to rise to his responsibility. 
During the Civil War, Lincoln had greater power than had been 
conferred on one man in all history. Upon the surrender of Lee to 
Grant, the great commander needed no legislative act to compel him 
to surrender the abnormal power vested in him back to the people the 
source of all power. Woodrow Wilson, during the World conflict, 
had still greater authority granted him over life, limb and property 
of his countrymen. Still it did not breed in him despotic ambition. 
The genius of our institutions had led our people along safe, sane 
pathways. This republic inspires neither autocracy nor tyrants. Had 
. there been a Constitution in France and a Marshall to interpret 
there would have been no Reign of Terror. Marshall’s service to the 
Constitution was so securely performed that even civil strife could 
not shake or shatter it, nor could the Sampsons of the slave party 
pull down the pillars which sustained the Temple of American 
Liberty. Marshall’s enduring monument is the Stability of the 
Republic. 

And so, fellow citizens, when the half baked Sampsons seek 
to pull down the pillars which hold aloft the Temple of Liberty, 
bulling to draw all the nation in its crumbling ruins, let us, unafraid, 
hark back and quaff inspiration from out the clear stream of historic 
truth. For verily it is Justice and Truth that shall destroy the 
open and secret foes of this American Republic! 


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Abraham Lincoln 


M en create each crisis. Each crisis in turn creates its man. 
Millions stand by indifferently while abuse and wrong crystal¬ 
lize into custom and law, until a moral and intellectual giant 
strides across the face of history, and seizing leadership and power 
sets humanity’s footsteps anew upon the pathway of righteous destiny. 
These supermen are God’s sentinels on the outposts of time, bridging 
earliest creation with eternity. 

Such was Confucius who sought to teach Chinese hordes the 
doctrines of the unknown Christ. Moses was one of these in his 
leadership of a mass of down-trodden and despised slaves. Oliver 
Cromwell was among the consecrated few, the chosen instrument 
through whom was struck the greatest blow for the liberty of com¬ 
mon men, which, in all history had been delivered. 

So Martin Luther flew at the throat of religious dogma and 
tore aside the mask of ecclesiastical hypocrisy and cant in the battle 
for freedom of conscience. 

Jefferson’s conception of democracy backed by the m.ilitary genius 
and courage of Washington formed another momentous step in 
humanity’s progress by the establishment, in a new world of a nation 
of free, equal, and self-governed men. 

But if to these men and their associate Americans belongs the 
deathless honor of the creation of this wondrous political crisis so 
significant to mankind, it is equally certain that God gave the mighty 
task of its everlasting preservation to the gaunt, grim', melancholy, 
divinely inspired Abraham Lincoln, and it is his permeating spirit 
even today which guides an awaiting world in its restless dream for 
peace and happiness. 

LINCOLN AND HIS OPPORTUNITIES 

The real glory of Lincoln lies in that which he achieved in spite 
of his limited opportunities. Not in hamlet, town or city in this 


328 


MAKING A NATION 


Union, is there a ragged, barefooted school-boy today, that has not a 
greater chance in life, than Lincoln had. From an age when it was 
almost cruelty for a child to work, he was compelled by necessity, to 
toil from early morn till late at night. His labor was hard and 
bitter. It was often accompanied by the pangs of hunger. He learned 
well and thoroughly, the biting lesson, both of physical and mental 
starvation. H is childhood knew no soft and tender joys. His battle 
was with the primeval forest, the rude soil, the frenzied savage. He 
was acquainted with none of the gentler refinements of civilization. 
He carried grist to the mill upon his strong back. He walked miles 
to school. His couch was rough and his food coarse and none too 
plentiful. He longed to study, but had no books. He yearned for 
sympathy at home and received a blow. He sought to rise out of 
his rude conditions and cried aloud in the woods. His answer was but 
the echo of despair. He longed for gentle companionship and was 
thrown in the society of the rough and unsjnnpathetic pioneers of the 
West. Sturdy men and honest, but hard, and stern, and full of the 
bitterness that comes of the awful struggle by which these men paved 
the way for the generations that came after. His library for years, 
was the Bible and Aesop’s Fables. And yet when all was done, when 
he stood where no man had ever stood before, no human being heard 
him complain. The early struggle was the crucible in which that 
mighty spirit was refined into true gold; and where that character 
was formed which shall endure the test of all the ages. 

As a mere boy, he exhibited the qualities that afterwards made 
him so great a man. He was patient, doing his work earnestly, no 
matter what it was. He was brave, yet merciful. He w^as the strongest 
among all his associates, but he never used that great overmastering 
physical power for any but a just purpose. He had his fights with 
other boys, but never unless he was forced into a contest. He had a 
fight with another lad. Their companions wanted to see Lincoln 
whipped. As the battle progressed, Lincoln picked up his foe and 
lifting him bodily from the ground, threw him down with such force 
that it took all the fight out of the lad. Then all the other boys 
began to have respect for Abe and none sought to have a fight with 




ABRAHAM LINCOLN 


329 


him again. They tell the story that Abe spilt rails at the rate of 400 
for every yard of jeans necessary to make a pair of pants. As Lincoln 
was very tall, it may be easily imagined that his trousers cost him 
much labor. 

Things came very hard for the boy Lincoln. He worked on 
farms, cleared forests, sawed timber, built log cabins, split rails, worked 
in a store, was a boat hand on a rude little craft that took a trip to 
New Orleans, was a surveyor, and through all the struggles, was 
brave, truthful, honest and industrious. He never had any advantages, 
and even up to the very time of his election as President of the 
United States, he knew danger, difficulty and want. What misery 
might have been saved him, if in that time, near him, there had been 
an Andrew Carnegie to build and equip a library and Lincoln had 
been allow'ed access to its spacious shelves. He was almost a voter 
before he knew what the possession of books in any real quantity 
meant. But he found knowledge in trees, brooks and in the study 
of men, and from these he learned more than colleges taught other 
men. He got to feel that any man’s pain was his pain, and any man’s 
sorrow^, his. That is why he was so beloved by those who knew him 
rightly. His father never smiled. But in his mother there was an 
inherited refinement and gentleness which gave to Lincoln a heart of 
gold and a sense of humor that gave him a power over others more 
subtle than possessed by any other man of his day. 

THE SADNESS OF LINCOLN 

Lincoln was a very sad man. Verily, “he was a man of sorrow 
and acquainted with many griefs.” His childhood had been unhappy 
and there came upon him unusually heavy responsibilities before he 
had enjoyed the delights of boyhood. In his early manhood, he loved 
a woman, Ann Rutledge, with passionate devotion. From the time 
that the cold and silent grave covered her beloved form, he never 
knew real happiness. He had several love affairs, all ending rather 
disastrously. He finally paid court to Mary Todd, a very bright, 
though somewhat curious girl of Kentucky. She was of a very proud 


330 


MAKING A NATION 


family and considered herself rather above Lincoln in many ways, but 
she saw that he was destined to become a great man and anxious 
herself, for power, she threw around him the spell of her womanly 
charms and conquered him. But whether or not it was the memory 
of the woman he first loved, there came a time when Lincoln felt 
sure that he didn’t love Mary Todd. Then there came to his soul 
a struggle that so wrought upon him that at times, he suffered ex¬ 
cruciating agony. At length he screwed his courage to the speaking 
point, and told her that he did not love her. She was in a perfect 
rage at the humiliation, but she concealed her chagrin and tem¬ 
porarily won him back. Tradition says that she began a desperate 
flirtation with Douglass, Lincoln’s life-long political foe. Those who 
know, say that it is very unlikely that there was ever any very serious 
feeling between Douglass and Miss Todd, but to a man of Lincoln’s 
direct simplicity of mind, the matter was most distressing. At length 
the whole affair was patched up apparently. The day of the wedding 
arrived. The lady and her friends were there, the preacher was at 
hand, and ready, but the bridegroom did not appear. The marriage 
was put off to the great mortification of the lady. Having acted so 
badly, Lincoln was almost on the verge of committing suicide. His 
friends, however, gathered around him in sympathy. After a lapse 
of time, he realized that his promise to Mary Todd was a sacred one 
and at all hazards should be fulfilled. The end of this love affair 
was in the marriage of Lincoln to his Kentucky sweetheart. 

As time advanced, Lincoln realized the utter unfitness of the 
marriage. Their natures and dispositions were in such great contrast 
that matrimonial happiness was impossible. IVIary Todd was a woman 
of generous impulses, of good breeding and of polished social manners. 
Lincoln came of honest but sturdy folk, but lacked those little refining 
graces that mean so much to some women. Mrs. Lincoln never quite 
knew the deep, exhaustless nature of her husband. The greatest crime 
a wife can commit against her husband, is to misunderstand him. She 
may have loved him, was doubtless in all respects a virtuous and 
loyal wife, but he got from her no comfort and absolutely no in¬ 
spiration toward the high, great and mighty resolves that animated 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 


331 


his whole being. She was ambitious to occupy a great place in 
society. But she seemed hardly content to wait for her husband’s 
gradual rise to that position. Occasionally she would burst forth 
into a tempest of rage that was both bitter and painful to a man of 
Lincoln’s mild and tender nature. These outbursts became so frequent, 
that they gradually drove him from the fireside. This was perhaps 
one of the reasons why Lincoln sought to enjoy, away from home, 
the comfort which he could not find at the family hearth-stone. Those 
who were intimate at the Lincoln household, have told frequent stories 
of scenes of domestic unhappiness. It makes one’s heart ache to see 
how much misery he Vvas made to endure from the woman who 
should have been his comfort and joy. Still he was patient and gentle 
with her, and performed his duty manfully in this as he did in every 
other relation of his noble life. 

It is said that a man once went to the house of Lincoln on some 
business matter and was there met by the lady of the house. They 
got into a dispute and she attacked him so terribly that he fled from 
the place and sought out Mr. Lincoln to get explanation and satis¬ 
faction from him. Lincoln sat down and told him something of the 
story of his married life, and wound up the conversation by saying: 
“You had that sort of thing from her for fifteen minutes; what do 
you think when I tell you that I have had it for the last fifteen 
years?” This is about the only time that the poor fellow was ever 
known to complain. This secret affliction was one of the reasons that 
made him sad, eternally sad. 

One of Lincoln’s striking peculiarities in the treatment of his 
household affairs, is revealed in the following story. Owing to the 
temper of Mrs. Lincoln, it was very difficult for her to retain a 
servant. One woman, however, managed to keep her place for several 
years. The reason was that Mr. Lincoln gave her an extra dollar 
each week on condition that she would brave whatever storms might 
arise without complaint. This servant carried out her part of the 
contract and stayed in the house for quite a number of years. Of 
course, the extra money was paid her secretly. 

This woman subsequently married a man who enlisted in the 


332 


MAKING A NATION 


army. In the spring of 1865, she paid a visit to Washington and 
succeeded in getting a chance to talk to the President. She made a 
strong plea to have her husband released from military service. 
Lincoln was glad to see her, gave her money to buy clothes for herself 
and the children and directed her to call the next day and he would 
see that her request was granted and that she obtained a pass through 
the lines. That very night Lincoln was assassinated! 

LINCOLN’S RELIGION 

It has been charged by many that he was an Atheist. Others 
allege that he was a Diest, and others that he was in no sense of 
the word an orthodox Christian. There is one thing which is per¬ 
fectly certain, and that is that he had a profound religious fervor and 
that he did believe in the existence of a supreme love and intelligence. 
He believed in the Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of man. 
in a predominant and overruling Providence that overlooks and con- 
trals the operations of the world. But he maintained that law and 
order, and not their violation or suspension, are the appointed means 
by which this Providence is exercised. He never joined the church 
and was never a confessing or confirmed Christian. The benevolence 
of his impulses, the seriousness of his convictions, and the nobility of 
his character gave undisputed testimony that his soul was always con¬ 
trolled by exalted purity and the sublime faith of natural religion. 
With him, as with the prophets of old, it was God—the world— 
humanity. 


LINCOLN AS A LAWYER 

Lincoln passed through great effort to become a lawyer. It is 
amazing to realize the success which came to him in view of his 
comparatively limited knowledge of law. He was in no sense of the 
word a technical lawyer. He was but litle versed in quibbling and 
in those vexatious details for which the practice is famed. He had 
a mighty and broad intellect, a keen sense of humor and a high regard 






ABRAHAM LINCOLN 


333 


for justice which enabled him to grasp the fundamental principles 
underlying law-suits, and which in the great majority of instances, 
accounted for his victories. He was as wise as a serpent in the trial 
of a case. He soffietimes yielded and yielded to his adversary until the 
poor, foolish man thought that his opponent had given away the entire 
case. When Lincoln had gotten him into this position of fancied 
security, he brought fourth to the attention of the court, the one 
great, strong and over-mastering point in the case, and made such 
brilliant and forceful presentation as to wring forth victory from 
the very jaws of apparent and certain defeat. 

Judge David Davis, in his eulogy on Lincoln delivered at In¬ 
dianapolis, before a meeting of the Bar Association, in May, 1865, 
shortly after the assassination of the President, among other things, 
said: “The ability which some lawyers possess of explaining away a 
doubtful point by subtle sophistry was denied him. In order to bring 
into full activity his great powers, it was necessary that he should be 
convinced of the right and justice of the matter which he advocated. 
When so convinced, whether the cause was great or small, he was 
usually successful.” 

In the whole history of forensic eloquence, there can be nothing 
grander and more inspiring than Lincoln’s charge to the jury in the 
Wright case, where he strove to compel a villainous and unscrupulous 
pension agent to restore to the poor widow of a Revolutionary hero, 
a portion of the pension money of which the woman had been robbed. 
He said: “Time rolls by. The heroes of ’76 have passed away and 
are congregated on the other shore. The soldier has gone to rest, and 
now’, crippled, blinded and broken-hearted, his widow comes to you 
and to me, gentlemen of the jury, to right her wrongs. She was not 
always thus. She was once a beautiful young woman. Her step was 
as elastic, her face as fair and her voice rang as sweet as any that 
echoed in the mountains of old Virginia. But now she is poor and 
defenseless, out her on the prairies of Illinois, many hundreds of 
miles away from the scenes of her childhood. She appeals to us who 
enjoy the privileges attained for us by the patriots of the Revolution, 
for our sympathetic aid and manly protection. All I ask is, shall 
we befriend her?” 


334 


MAKING A NATION 


In those days, lawyers traveled about from county to county on 
“circuit.” Judge David Davis, who was afterwards appointed to the 
supreme bench of the United States by President Lincoln, was then 
one of the circuit judges of Illinois. On one occasion he and Mr. 
Lincoln decided to have a bit of fun and they concluded that they 
would engage in a horse trade between themselves. Each was to get 
a horse and trade it to the other, neither having the privilege of 
seeing the other’s until the consummation of the deal. Judge Davis 
brought forth an old worn out plug that could hardly walk or 
stand. Lincoln offered a carpenter’s wooden horse and the crowd 
decided that Lincoln had won the wager. 

When Lincoln was a plain country lawyer, his habits were very 
simple. Neither then, nor at any time during his life, was he fastidious 
either as to dress or food. “His hat was brown, faded and the nap 
usually worn or rubbed off. His coat and vest hung loosely on his 
tall, bony frame, and his trousers were invariably too short. When he 
traveled from place to place for the purpose of trying his law cases, 
be carried in one hand a faded green umbrella; the knob was gone 
from the handle and he kept it together by tying around it a piece of 
coarse cord. In the other hand he carried a carpet bag, which con¬ 
tained usually, the documents which he intended to use, and enough 
underwear to last him until he should return home. He slept in a 
long, coarse yellow flannel shirt, and a young lawyer who once 
saw him thus attired, in his modest room at a country tavern, said: 
‘He was the ungodliest figure I ever saw.’ ” 

One of the most important law suits that Lincoln was ever 
engaged in, was the defense of the Illinois Central R. R., in which 
McLean County, Ill., attempted to collect certain taxes. The case was 
begun in 1853 and the final victory came in 1855. He sent in a 
modest bill for $2000, which the Company refused to pay. A number 
of lawyers told him that he really ought to have had $5000 for the 
work. Upon his return home, he brought suit against the R. R. Co. 
for $5000, secured judgment, and the Company had to pay. 

He was engaged once in the great McCormick patent case which 
was to be tried at Cincinnati, Ohio. There were other great lawyers 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 


335 


in the cause and at that time (1857) Mr. Lincoln was so little 
thought of as a law3^er, that he was snubbed, and Edwin M. Stanton 
of Pittsburgh, who was also in the case, by a very selfish action, fixed 
it so that Mr. Lincoln was not even permitted to participate in the 
argument before the court. Mr. Lincoln was deeply hurt, but showed 
no resentment. Mr. Stanton afterwards became a member of his 
cabinet. 

Mr. Lincoln w^as actually engaged in the practice of law almost 
up to the very time when he received his nomination as a candidate 
of the Republican party for the presidency of the United States. 

Lincoln’s earnestness, even as a young lawyer, is very well ex¬ 
plained by a story that was told concerning him by Joseph Jefferson, 
the great old veteran actor now deceased. When Lincoln first took up 
the practice of law in Springfield, Jefferson, the actor, came to the 
city and built a theater. The church element was very large and 
influential in local politics and became enraged at the invasion of the 
sacredness (?) of the city by this troop of ungodly actors. Having 
great weight with the town council, they secured the passage of an 
ordinance providing so high a theatrical license, that it became im¬ 
possible for Mr. Jefferson and his company to give the performances 
which they intended. One day the great actor received a visit from 
a tall, lanky, rough looking young fellow, who, upon introducing 
himself, said he v/as a lawyer. He told the actor that he sympathized 
greatly wdth him in his misfortune, and begged the privilege of going 
before the city officials and offering a protest against their unreasonable 
action. Mr. Jefferson w^as so discouraged that he accepted the offer 
of the stranger. The law^j^^er appeared before the august legislature 
of the town and gave that body a history of the drama from the 
earliest period. His speech was so full of wdt, humor, wdsdom and 
good, native common sense, that he completely dissipated the opposition 
of the law-making body and finally succeeded in having the objection¬ 
able license tax removed. In later 3^ears the actor w-as admitted to 
the White Llouse. When introduced to President Abraham Lincoln 
he recognized the youthful lawyer of years ago. 

Many men labor under the erroneous impression that Abraham 


336 


MAKING A NATION 


Lincoln was of a modest and retiring disposition, and sat still with 
folded hands awaiting the time when political lightning should strike 
him. This is an absolutely false view of the man. He was full of 
political ambition. He w^as as shrewd a politician as ever existed in 
this country. He was a splendid judge of human nature, but he 
was never a demagogue. While he was willing to use men to further 
his own political ends, he never attempted to appeal to their passions 
and prejudices. He never did a mean, low or common thing. 

He was a great fellow to get a crowd around him and discuss 
the issues of the day. Everj^body w^as interested in him, for his views 
were bold and original. Even in his early years he had a fund of 
humor that appeared to be inexhaustible. At the village store and 
at all places Lincoln could always gather a crowd. 

In his political aspirations as in all things, he lacked money 
and influence. In other words, he had but little political influence 
or backing. He had to fight his way upward absolutely alone. But 
he determined to get into politics. His first political speech was made 
in Illinois in 1832. At that time he made an unsuccessful canvass 
for the legislature. Said Mr. Lincoln: “Gentlemen and Fellow 
Citizens: I presume you all know who I am. I am humble Abraham 
Lincoln. I have been solicited by my friends to become a candidate 
for the legislature. My politics are short and sweet like an old woman’s 
dance. I am in favor of a national bank. I am in favor of an in¬ 
ternational improvement system and a high protective tariff. These 
are my sentiments and political ‘principles. If elected, I will be 
thankful. If defeated, it will be all the same.” He was twenty-three 
years old then and the reason the speech was so short, is that on that 
occasion there were many other speakers. A joint debate had been 
on the programme. When it came his turn to speak, there was but 
little time for him. Besides, the more important candidates had 
probably exhausted the discussion of the topics of the day. As a 
politician he had a direct candor and simplicity that w^on him favor 
on all hands. He was a man who always paid his political debts 
and obligations. When he reached the pinnacle of his ambition, he 
did not, like many others, place a barrier between him and the friends 


ABRAHAM LINCOLN 


337 


«»* 

r 







*r 


y. *. 


of the past. He never forgot those who in any way, had contributed 
to his good fortune. 

Like Benjamin Disraeli, he first sought political honor and was 
unsuccessful. The first public office of any consequence held by Mr. 
Lincoln, was as a member of the legislature of Illinois, in the year 
1834. Iri this first session he was not conspicuous. In this respect 
he differed from the great Englishman. Lincoln made no attempt 
to achieve the slightest notoriety. Lie occupied his time, not in en¬ 
deavoring to influence legislation, but rather in the study of men about 
him, and forming the acquaintance of men of power and ability. 
Here it was that he first met Stephen A. Douglas, who became his 
political opponent and with whom he fought the greatest political 
battle ever engaged in by any two statesmen of this nation. Mr. 
Lincoln was elected to the legislature several times, each session finding 
him a more useful member. During the )^ear 1837, legislature 
passed a resolution substantially as follows: 

“That we highly disapprove of the formation of abolition societies 
and of the doctrine promulgated by them. 

“That the right of property in slaves is sacred to the slave-holding 
states under the Federal constitution, and that they cannot be de¬ 
prived of that right without their consent. 

“That the general government cannot abolish slavery in the 
District of Columbia against the consent of the people of said Dis¬ 
trict, without a manifest breach of good faith.” 

This resolution met the approval of every member of the legis¬ 
lature except two. They were David Stone and Abraham Lincoln, 
The records of the legislature for March 3, 1837, contain the follow¬ 
ing entry: 

“The resolution upon the subject of African slavery having passed 
both branches of the general assembly at its present session, the un¬ 
dersigned hereby protest against the passage of the same. 

“They believe that the institution of slavery is founded upon 
both injustices and had policy and that the promulgation of abolition 
doctrines tends rather to increase than abate its evils. 




338 


MAKING A NATION 


“They believe that the Congress of the United States has no 
pouter under the Constitution, to interfere with the institution of 
slavery in the different states. 

“They believe that the Congress of the United States has 
the power under the Constitution to abolish slavery in the District 
of Columbia, but that the power ought not to be exercised unless 
at the request of the people of the District.” 

The moral courage required in a young man to take such a 
stand, cannot be fully estimated or appreciated at this time. It might 
have meant then and there, Lincoln’s political death. I think he 
fully realized the danger. 

This resolution which undoubtedly eminated from the mind of 
Lincoln, strong as it was, did not represent Lincoln’s true opinion 
upon the subject, except in one clause, and that is: “The institution 
of slavery is founded upon both injustice and bad polic3^” Twenty- 
five years from the time that the brave and bold young legislator 
declared himself upon the iniquity, he was found blotting out the 
diabolical curse from the institutions of the nation, by proclaiming to 
this nation and to the world, the freedom of a race of three million 
slaves. Despite all efforts to the contrary, his judgment has not been 
reversed by this generation, nor will it be reversed by posterity. 
LINCOLN AND THE QUESTION OF SLAVERY 

Lincoln’s attitude toward the question of negro slavery was a 
gradual evolution and development. As a mere boy he had worked 
his way to New Orleans on a flat boat which he had helped to 
build, and there, for several weeks, saw the world. Tall buildings, 
well and comfortably dressed men and women, the refinements of 
gentle life were a revelation to him and while even then, he was too 
honest and upright to envy, the sights he saw made him awake to a 
sense of the difference between his lot and that of the people he saw. 
Ambition slowly began to permeate, and take possession of his being. 
While at New Orleans, he saw one other sight that influenced his 
whole career. He saw an auction sale of black slaves. The auctioneer 
cried out the excellence of his wares in the shape of a well formed, 
beautiful mulatto girl of nineteen years. He saw white men go up to 




ABRAHAM LINCOLN 


339 


this timid, hunted, heart-broken creature, feel her arms and legs, 
and pinch her skin. He saw the frightened girl compelled to run 
like a race horse in order to show that her wind was sound. That 
which his sad e5^es gazed upon, made his heart sick. Intuitively he 
saw the wrong, the evil, the injustice of the institution. He said to 
some one then: “If I ever get the chance, I intend to whack that 
thing on the head.” Although he clearly at that time discerned the 
inherent wrong of slavery, it cannot be thought for a moment that 
he had any clear and well-defined views as to what course his opposi¬ 
tion would take. It is very clear that for many years after that, he 
did not favor the cause of the rabid abolitionists. This is not to be 
wondered at. Conditions then were different. The wisest men 
could not see how so deeply rooted an institution as slavery, could 
be abolished without affecting the constitutional rights of the Southern 
people. The moral and spiritual phase of the question had not been 
impressed upon the minds of men. According to a great number of 
citizens, the black man was a chattel and the right of property in him 
was sacredly guaranteed by every state constitution as well as by the 
bill of rights. It was protected as well by the Constitution of the 
United States. Slavery was an institution at the time of the adoption 
of the national constitution and the Southern contention was that 
implied it had been taken into consideration when the constitution 
had been adopted. Apart from that, the old question of the differing 
ways of construing that constitution arose in all bitterness. The 
Whigs standing for a liberal and broad interpretation of the con¬ 
stitution. The Democrats maintaining that the constitution should 
be strictly construed and in addition that the government was but 
a collection of independent Sovereignties, severable at the will and 
pleasure of the parties to the compact. 

In the celebrated debate between Lincoln and Douglas, which 
practically ended at Alton in 1858, Mr. Lincoln reached the culminat¬ 
ing point in his theory concerning African slavery, and in his speech, 
among other things, he said: “‘Slavery is the real issue; that is, the 
issue that will continue in this country when these poor tongues of 
Judge Douglas and myself shall be silenced. It is the eternal struggle 


340 


MAKING A NATION 


between those two principles, right and wrong, throughout the world. 
They are the two principles that have stood face to face from the 
beginning of time and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the 
common right of humanity, and the other, the divine right of kings. 
It is the same truth in whatever shape it develops itself. It is the 
same spirit that says ‘You work and toil, and earn bread, and I eat 
it.’ No matter in what shape it comes, whether from the mouth of 
a king who seeks to bestride the people of his own nation and live by 
the fruits of their labor, or from one race of men as an apology for 
enslaving another race. It is the same tyrannical principle.” 

THE DEBATES WITH DOUGLAS 

In 1858, Lincoln and Douglas were rivals for the United States 
Senatorship of Illinois. The great question then before the people 
was that of State Sovereignty. These two forensic gladiators fought 
their battle for political supremancy before the people. There was 
never a greater contrast, than existed between these men. Douglas 
was daring, unscrupulous, bold, bursting with ambition, yet a 
trimmer, watching each breath of the popular storm and tr\dng 
to shape his sails to catch each passing breeze. There is no doubt 
that each man had his eye fixed upon the Presidency, the grander 
goal. Lincoln in manner and form, was the exact opposite of Douglas. 
He was plain, earnest, sincere, and though by no means despising the 
art of the politician, he scorned to pander to popular will. He 
would not have altered his sacred political principles for any office 
in the gift of the people of the nation. Douglas, it is said, put forth 
a bad cause with greater shrewdness than any man living. Lincoln 
could not get out of himself the best that was in him, either in a 
law suit or public speech, unless he himself was profoundly impressed 
with the truth and justice of the cause which he presented. Douglas 
might have been President if he had possessed the courage to take 
the right stand on the question of slavery, for he had many ad¬ 
vantages over his more humble opponent. He was well to do, had 
courage, his manners were engaging. He was full of energy and he 





ABRAHAM LINCOLN 


341 


had the powerful support of many of the leading men of the North. 
It is well to remark right here that when the campaign of i860 
approached, it was still a question with the East as to whether the 
politicians there should take up Douglas even with his shifting policy, 
or Lincoln, who had possessed the boldness and courage to state just 
where he stood on the great questions of the day. This country has 
never listened to such oratory as has come down to us in the joint 
debates between thes two men. The result was that the country 
was gradually lead to see that laying aside subterfuge, the real issue 
was whether the greater principles of right or wrong should prevail 
and though the people of the State of Illinois did not see the dis¬ 
tinction in the senatorial fight in which Lincoln was defeated, the 
nation at length arose from its sleep and two years later claimed as 
its leader the man who laid down the possibility of becoming senator, 
because he wanted to be right and wanted the people to be right 
upon the vital issue. 

In one of the first speeches Douglas made, which was at Havanna, 
he called Mr. Lincoln “a liar, coward, a wretch and sneak.” And 
in addition said something about a personal encounter between him 
and his opponent. Lincoln replied wdth such genuine good humor, that 
he shamed his opponent into more respectful behavior on other and 
subsequent occasions. On August i, 1858, at Ottawa, the two men 
held their first joint debate. The crush of people was tremendous, 
so great indeed, that it took half an hour for the speakers to work 
their way to the platform. “Little Doug,” as he was then popularly 
called, seemed to look upon the multitude with contempt and in his 
heart of hearts doubtless despised the humble fellow who opposed 
him, although he must have had within him a growing fear of his 
courageous antagonist. Lincoln was by no means prepossessing in 
appearance and even at that time looked rather rough, unkempt and 
uncouth. But his very first debate showed him earnest, clear, logical 
and in all the arts of debate, fully the equal of his more experienced 
foe. Soon there came upon the people at large, the settled conviction 
that the cause of the Republican party in Illinois had a worthy cham¬ 
pion, and one fully equal to the emergency. Lincoln’s friends were 


342 


MAKING A NATION 


jubilant after this meeting. No less so were the followers of Douglas. 
From the very outset it was the aim of Lincoln to get Douglas cornered 
on the slavery question. So he presented to Douglas the following 
question: “Can the people of a United States Territory, in any 
lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, 
exclude slavery from its limits, prior to the formation of a State 
Constitution?” Lincoln wanted to get from Douglas an affirmative 
answer to this question. His object was to make it impossible for 
Douglas thereby to get the votes of the Southern people in the coming 
Presidental campaign. His friends urged him not to try the experi¬ 
ment but he persisted, saying: “I am after larger game. The battle 
of i860 is worth a hundred of this.” Mr. Lincoln was right, his 
friends, wrong. Douglas did answer in the affirmative and later, when 
he had been elected and tried to explain himself to the Senate of the 
United States, he met with strong denunciation at the hands of Jef¬ 
ferson Davis, afterwards President of the Southern Confederacy. 

On September 13th, at Edwardsville, Mr. Lincoln gave his 
view of the then fundamental differences between the two parties. 
He said his party considered slavery a moral, social and political 
wrong. He did not charge that the democratic party thought slavery 
morally, socially and politically right, but that that party was utterly 
indifferent whether slavery or freedom shall outrun in the race of the 
empire across to the Pacific. 

“What constitutes the bulwark of our liberty and our inde¬ 
pendence? It is not our frowning battlements, nor bristling sea 
coasts, our army and our navy. These are not our reliance against 
tyranny. All of these may be turned against us, without making us 
weaker for the struggle. Our reliance is in the love of liberty which 
God has planted in us. Destroy this spirit and you have planted the 
seeds of despotism at your doors. Familiarize yourselves with the 
chains of bondage and you prepare your own limbs to wear them. 
Accustomed to trample on the rights of others, you have lost the 
genius of your own independence and become the fit subjects of the 
first cunning tyrant who rises among you.” 

Nothing in the whole realm of literature is so truly sublime as 


ABRAHAM LINCOLN 


343 


this. It should be written in letters of gold and placed in every 
school house in the land, so that those who live now and who come 
after, shall not lose sight of the lesson which Lincoln then impressed. 
Toward the close of the campaign, Lincoln had worn Douglas to 
great huskiness from a physical point of view, and by bringing out 
of him certain positions formerly assumed on leading questions, he 
had placed the great Douglas in many very uncomfortable and em¬ 
barrassing positions. The last speech of the series was held at Alton 
on October 15th, and passed off without great stir ot Incident. The 
real result of the contest was to fix Lincoln’s place as the absolute 
leader of his party in the State of Illinois if not in the entire nation. 
Men who stood for righteousness in governmental policies began to 
look to Lincoln for guidance. He had stripped the question of slavery 
of all false glamour. He had brought hom.e to the people the danger 
of such an institution. In a fair field he had bested the most dan¬ 
gerous public man in the country. He had lost a senatorship with 
philosphic resignation but he had fixed his noble eye on a grander 
goal. He was now girding up his loins for the new battle that was 
soon to come upon the people and of which he was to be the gloriously 
successful champion. 

LINCOLN AND TPIE EAST 

A few men have reaped political honor from a single speech. 
Mark Anthony, according to Shakespeare, by a single speech undid 
all that the more noble Brutus had done, and paved the way for 
the perpetuation of the power of the Caesars. Bryan captured a 
presidential nomination almost with a single sentence. 

It cannot be said that Lincoln captured the halting East by 
a single speech, but he certainly did win New York by his Cooper 
Union oration delivered February 27th, i860. He was advised against 
bearding the lion in his den but he had such profound confidence in 
his own powers that he undertook the experiment and in it he was 
entirely successful. He prepared himself with the utmost care. When 
he appeared on the platform of that historic hall, he was certainly 


344 


MAKING A NATION 


the most plainly dressed man in the crowd. He felt it, too. After the 
meeting was over, he was much amused when the reporters asked him 
for slips of his speech. He had prepared nothing of the kind for them 
as he had thought that none of the papers would have desired to 
print his remarks verbatim. But the one effort helped him wonder¬ 
fully. It brought him showers of invitations from every part of the 
country. It also made those as politically ambitious as he was, realize 
that a new man had arisen, whose worth, strength and powder could 
not be despised. From that hour Lincoln thought that he might 
become president and he set to work to win. He had comparatively 
little money. His opponents were rich and organized. But that 
which Lincoln lacked in the way of wealth, was equalized by 
untiring energy and adroitness. Even after he had been nominated 
there were those who felt that a mistake had been made and that 
surely there w^as alarm in the situation. Others openly said that he 
was not the man for the hour and tried to sow the seeds of mistrust. 
How badly they were all mistaken, is now that part of our history, of 
which we are most proud. 

The nominating convention of the Republican party of i860 was 
held at the Wigwam in Chicago. On the first ballot, Seward led in 
the voting but was closely followed by Lincoln. When the second 
ballot was taken, Lincoln had gained a strength that amazed both 
his friends and enemies. The third ballot showed that each man had 
an equal number of votes. Then, amid a furore of excitement. Carter 
of Ohio, changed to Lincoln, and the convention following swept 
all opposition aside and Lincoln stood the victor. He was not even 
in Chicago on that eventful day. With beating heart he was watch¬ 
ing the conflict in the office of the Journal at Springfield. He was 
nervous and restless and laboring under great excitement, though 
under the trying suspense, suppressed that feeling. When the final 
news camie which awarded the palm to him, he tried hard to govern 
his emotion. Those who had the opportunity of seeing him face to 
face, saw a trembling lip and a countenance that deepened with ex¬ 
pression as the sense of responsibility came upon him. A still greater 
battle was on, and none saw it more clearly than did Abraham Lincoln. 





ABRAHAM LINCOLN 


345 


He hastened away from the newspaper office for the purpose of 
“telling a little woman down the street, the new-s.” 

Then came the great campaign and following this, the election. 
His farewell to the people of Illinois was characterized by great feel¬ 
ing. He said in part: “Here I have lived from my youth until now 
I am an old man. Here the most sacred ties of earth were assumed. 
Here all my children were born and here one of them lies buried. To 
you, dear friends, I owe all that I have. All that I am. Today I 
leave you. I go to assume a task more difficult than that which 
devolved upon Washington. Unless the great God who assisted him 
shall be with and aid me, I must fail. Let us pray that the God of 
our Fathers may not forsake us now. To Him I commend you all.” 

The train rolled away and the people there never saw him but 
once again and that only for a brief few hours. He was no longer 
theirs. He was the star of a great drama. The world was his 
audience. He became the arbiter of the destinies of millions. Civiliza¬ 
tion stood still upon the brink of time. 

LINCOLN AS A RULER 

Few men ever rose in popular estimation as did Lincoln. He 
came to the Chief Magistracy of the nation with but little preparation 
for the functions of so responsible a position. The highest office he 
had ever held up to that time was a member of Congress. In this place 
he had been true to the highest ideals but he had not satisfied his 
constituents. He had not even sought a re-election. He had had but 
the merest executive experience. He knew nothing of the science of 
diplomacy. 

His experience in the realm of warfare was in a short cam¬ 
paign against the Black Hawk Indians in which he saw no fighting, 
won no glory except from the fact of his readiness to go to the 
front. But he had the kingly talents in their best and largest sense. 
His wisdom and nobleness of heart lifted him above the plane of 
common men. He was guided always solely by justice and righteous¬ 
ness between man and man and nation and nation. He had the 


346 


MAKING A NATION 


ability to formulate a policy and the courage and strength of will to 
carry it out regardless of consequences. In his ordeal as a ruler, he 
was confronted with questions, the like of which had not ever before 
in the history of mankind, been presented for solution. He was 
surrounded by men whose statesmanship had been tested and who 
looked with contempt upon their homely leader. But he was wiser 
than all of them. Secretary of State Seward urged him to declare 
war on France and Spain and impliedly against England and Russia, 
and Lincoln simply said, “One war at a time, one war at a time, one 
war at a time.” 

Horace Greely in those days occupied a very influential position. 
He was honest and a devoted patriot, but he could not refrain from 
scolding the powers that be, upon every occasion. Greely was a very 
hard, and, at times, unjust critic of Lincoln. He was particularly 
strong in his condemnation of Lincoln’s plan of conducting the 
war. Finally in the columns of the New York Tribune he asked the 
very pertinent question: “What were the purposes and aims of the 
President anyway?” Amid all the press of conflict, with tremendous 
cares upon him, the President replied: “If there be those who would 
not save the Union unless at the same time save slavery, I do not 
agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union 
unless at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. 
My paramount object is to save the Union and not either to save 
or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any 
slave, I would do it. If I could save the Union by freeing all the 
slaves, I would do it and if I could save the Union by freeing some 
and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about 
slavery and the colored race I do because I believe it helps to save 
the Union and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe 
it helps to save the Union.” 

Humor bubbled out of Lincoln always in the most natural 
manner. On one occasion a man came to him who thought to carry 
favor with the President by working up some sort of feeling between 
him and Stanton, Secretar}'- of War. Stanton was arrogant and as 
a matter of fact, rather despised Lincoln’s roughness and his refusal 


ABRAHAM LINCOLN 


347 


to give heed to formalities and mere details. The man worked up the 
matter quite skilfully as he thought, and reached the culminating 
point when he said: “And do you know, Mr. President, Stanton 
actually said you were a blankety, blankety fool.” “Did he?” in¬ 
quired Mr. Lincoln. “He certainly did,” said Mr. Lincoln’s visitor. 
Lincoln looked at the man with one of these glances that at times 
seemed to pierce through and through and laughingly said: “Well, 
if Stanton said so, I reckon it must be so. I’ll go over and see him 
about it.” 

LINCOLN’S DEVELOPMENT AS AN ORATOR 

In the line of oratory as in everything else, Lincoln’s powers 
developed with remarkable rapidity. You remember the simplicity of 
his first political speech, and much of what he said in the debates with 
Douglas. In these you have probably gathered the impression that 
Mr. Lincoln reached a heighth and grandeur which few men ever 
attained but in his Gettysburg address he attained a moral sublimity 
which some famous men have said has never been surpassed in the 
English tongue. He closed that speech by saying “that we here 
highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this 
nation under God shall have a new birth of freedom, and that the 
government of the people, by the people and for the people, shall not 
perish from the earth.” 

March 4th, 1865, he delivered his second inaugural address, he 
said, “On the occasion four y^ars ago, corresponding to this, all 
thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. Both 
parties deprecated war but one of them would make war rather than 
let the nation survive, and the other w^ould accept war rather than 
let it perish and the war came. Both read the same Bible and pray 
to the same God and each invokes his aid against the other. It may 
seem strange that men should dare ask a just God’s assistance in 
wringing their bread from the sweat of other men’s faces; but let us 
judge not lest we be judged. The prayer of both could not be 
answered. That of another has been awfully answered. With malice 


348 


MAKING A NATION 


toward none, with charity toward all, with firmness in the right as 
God gives us to see the right, let us finish the work we are in, bind 
up the nation’s wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the 
brunt of battle, and for his widow and orphans, to do all which may 
achieve and cherish a lasting peace among ourselves and with all 
nations.” There is not a word in the whole speech, that cannot be 
understood by the merest child or that does not appeal with the 
greatest force to him of highest intellect. 

John Fiske of Harvard, said that for pure rhetoric, nothing in the 
English tongue has surpassed this noble address. These thoughts will 
live as long as noble sentiment inspires the sons of man. 

In spite of Lincoln’s service to his country, in the face of his 
torn heart over the conflict between North and South, certain men 
breathed against him a hatred and venom which this generation can¬ 
not understand. In May, 1864, in a public newspaper printed at 
Selma, Ala., there was an advertisement calling for a fund to be used 
in organizing men to assassinate Abraham Lincoln. 

The last sad chapter of the national drama is about to be en¬ 
acted. Robert E. Lee had surrendered at Appomatox. Over the 
nation had come a funereal stillness born of the exhaustion generated 
by the awful struggle. Half a million men slowly, almost mysteriously 
went from war to peace. There was joy in the North not because 
the South had been conquered, but because hostilities had ceased and 
blood no longer flowed. Southern men returned to broken homes, 
feeling that their cause, noble to them, had been lost. No man had 
so dreaded the war as Lincoln, none desired peace so much as he. 
As early as August, 1863, he had been invited to attend a meeting 
of the Unconditional Union Men to be held September 3rd of that 
year at Springfield, Ill. He was compelled to decline owing to the 
pressure of official duties, but his letter upon the occasion revealed 
not only his intensity of feeling for the preservation of the Union but 
breathed in every line his ardent desire for peace. Among many other 
things, he said: “Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope 
it will come soon and come to stay, and so come as to be worth the 
keeping in all future time. It will then have proved that, among 


ABRAHAM LINCOLN 


349 


free men, there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the 
bullet and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case 
and pay the cost.” 

He had been triumphantly re-elected to the Presidency. His 
vote from the people had been greater than that ever given before. 
Slavery had been legally blotted out. His second inaugural address 
contained som.e of the noblest utterances that had ever fallen from the 
lips of a great leader. He had cause for exultation for within his 
own ranks there had been those who had tried to win the people 
from him. But when he stood at Washington upon that occasion 
and said: “With malice toward none, with charity for all, with 
firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us finish 
the work we are in, to bind up the nation’s wounds, to care for his 
widow and his orphans, to do all which may achieve a lasting peace 
among ourselves and with all nations,” he but spoke the sentiment of 
a generous soul. 

April 14, 1865, had come. The nation rejoiced. Five years 
before the South had struck the first blow by hauling down the 
Stars and Stripes which floated over Fort Sumter. Now another 
ceremony was being enacted in the joy of which the people of the 
South were destined to share, when the darkness of the hour had 
given way to calm reflection over the result. It was the day upon 
which the flag was again to be unfurled over the South Carolina 
fort. Lincoln was filled with holy joy and it is not too much to say, 
for it is God’s living truth, that in that great happiness there was not 
one sentiment of exultation over a conquered foe. Mr. Lincoln had 
always regarded the rebellious States as mistaken brothers, who sought 
to tear down the family house. No heart in the land was so full 
of generous hope toward the people of the rebellious South, and 
already his great and broad mind was forming plans for the recon¬ 
ciliation of the severed sections of our common country. 

It has been said by many, that Mr. Lincoln for years entertained 
the fear that his end would be a tragic one. But he did certainly not 
anticipate it the hour the blow was struck. Threats had been made 
against his life. He paid no attention to them. Like the late President 


850 


MAKING A NATION 


McKinley, he was so democratic in his nature, and had such small 
fear of death, that he scorned the very idea of the possible necessity 
of guarding himself from the people for whom he labored so faithfully. 
“If they kill me,” he said, “the next man will be just as bad for 
them. In a country like this where our habits are simple, and must 
necessarily be so, assassination is always possible and will come if 
they are determined upon it.” 

Upon that fatal day, the President went about as usual. He had 
heard an account from his son, Robert, of the capitulation of Lee. He 
spent some time with Speaker Colfax of the House of Representatives, 
in which he outlined his future policy, about to be submitted to the 
Cabinet. At eleven o’clock he met his official advisers. The occasion 
was rendered all the more notable by the presence of General Grant. 
In the afternoon he met a number of old friends from his State of 
Illinois. His manner was joyful but calm and there was nothing 
upon his face to reveal the mark of coming death. 

From early days Mr. Lincoln had been interested in the theatre 
and occasionally he sought relaxation from the cares of office by 
watching the portrayal of emotion upon the mimic stage. On 
that night at Ford’s Theatre, Laura Keene was appearing in 
“Our American Cousin,” a comedy which was afterwards made so 
famous by that distinguished comedian, the elder Sothern. An invitation 
had been extended to Mr. Lincoln to attend the performance, which he 
accepted, occupying a box over the stage. In the midst of the per¬ 
formance a man entered his box and without a moment’s warning, 
without giving the President or those about him a chance for de¬ 
fense, the great Lincoln was shot down, mortally wounded, while 
John Wilkes Booth, an actor and member of the profession, always 
befriended by his victim, escaped in the terrific excitement that fol¬ 
lowed the commission of the unnamable crime. But a few minutes 
before, the audience had risen at the entrance of the Presidential party, 
and cheered with unallo5^ed enthusiasm. Booth entered the theatre 
and made his way to the box of the President. He deceived the 
usher by telling him that Mr. Lincoln had sent for him. Once in 
the box. Booth wasted no time, but fired, the ball striking Mr. Lincoln 


ABRAHAM LINCOLN 


351 


just behind the left ear. It did not immediately produce death, but 
the great man never regained consciousness. The next day in the 
early morning, the soul of the martyr passed away amid the grief of 
the world. 

Booth not only shot the President, but he stabbed Major Rath- 
bone who was of the President’s party and then tried to make his 
escape, crying, “Down with tyrants.” “The South is avenged.” 
He then tried to make his escape and in jumping from the President’s 
. box to the stage, his foot caught in a United States flag with which 
the box had been draped. The impetus from the jump tore down 
the flag but as the assassin fell, he sprained his ankle. He got away 
and it was not until some time later that he was captured and 
killed. It was afterwards proved that Booth was one of a band of 
conspirators, who had planned wholesale murder of the prominent 
men connected with the administration. After endless trials, the 
majesty of the law was finally avenged and those concerned in the 
base and un-American plot were tried and hung. 

The mournful news of the assassination spread with electric 
rapidity. City after city quickly got the awful story. Then it was 
flashed over all the earth and the world paused, aghast at the loss it 
had sustained in the untimely taking off of this mighty son of 
freedom. We who have recently passed through the experience of 
losing a noble president, can faintly realize just what sort of a 
national emotion passed through the people. The people of the 
North experienced a sort of mournful frenzy, while the leaders of 
the South were shocked beyond expression. Booth, in no sense of the 
wmrd, represented the true South. The Southern soldier was a 
brave and honorable foe. No race of people could ever have made 
a struggle so gallant, unless its warriors had believed that they were 
right and unless they were inspired by the loftiest patriotism. 

History, education, mistaken leadership, had led the men of the 
South to begin and to continue the internecine strife, but assassina¬ 
tion was never in the politicial creed of the Southerner, and thank 
God, the truth of history is that Booth’s mad deed met with as deep 
and deadly condemnation in the South as it did in the North. 


352 


MAKING A NATION 


When the soldiers who tracked Booth to his hiding place had 
shot him, he was brought out of the hut where they had found him, 
and laid him on the grass. “Tell mother,” he said gently, “I die for 
my country.” And then a few minutes later when the gates of death 
opened and the poor wretch saw his deed in all its ghastly hideous¬ 
ness, he murmured, “I thought I did for the best.” This man 
Booth had been full of talent and he was as beautiful as a Greek 
God in face and form. It is said that he w^as the equal of Edwin 
Booth as an actor. He was a striking personality in any gathering 
of men. But like others who have maliciously and wickedly re¬ 
moved great men from the sphere of action. Booth was a seeker of 
notoriety. At the time of the deed, he had retired from his pro¬ 
fession and it is said craved the notoriety attendant upon a bold and 
dramatically wicked act. The theatre in which the tragedy occurred 
was closed by order of the government and no actor ever trod its 
boards again. Booth’s body was mysteriously buried somewhere and no 
man knows today exactly where lies his dishonored dust. His name 
has attached to it that taint which inevitably follows a uselessly, 
inexcusable, low, mean base achievement. His crime brought sorrow 
and evil upon the South and so far from hurting the victim of his 
passion, it simply had the effect of tearing aside the veil and giving 
the world an opportunity to measure the martyr at his true worth. 
It built for him an abiding niche in the love and veneration of 
posterity. 

Booth had cried as he leaped from the scene of his crime: “The 
South is avenged.” Poor, deluded mortal, even if we credit him with 
the actual thought. The South needed no avengement. She needed 
reconstruction on broad and liberal lines. She needed an opportunity 
to get back into the channel of productiveness. Pier people desired a 
fair opportunity in the struggle for material prosperity. She needed a 
friend at court to thwart the fanatic hopes of those in the North who 
wanted to punish her for the rebellion, and the strongest advocate which 
the Southern people had, was the very man who was struck down by 
the mock hero who cried, “The South is avenged.” As a war measure 
and an act of humanity, Lincoln had freed the slaves, but if he had 


ABRAHAM LINCOLN 


353 


lived, it is greatly to be doubted if ever the scheme of universal 
suffrage would have been suddenly granted to the black man. He 
would have advocated some process of gradual preparation, whereby 
the negro would have fitted himself for the enjoyment of the rights 
of American citizenship. But he was taken away at the very hour 
when the South needed him most. Many things came after that 
widened the breach between the sections and retarded reconstruction 
upon wise and equitable lines. After Lincoln died, mere politicians 
controlled national policy for many years and they sent down South 
a lot of carpet baggers who offended the whites and incited the 
negroes and they did more harm than could be undone in half a 
century. In many sections negroes were led to think that they needn’t 
work and educate themselves, and that all they had to do was to get 
into politics. If Abraham Lincoln had lived, the nation would have 
been spared these humiliating spectacles and the era of good feeling 
would have come long before it did, for the heart of the man was 
big and his sympathies universal. 

TRIBUTES TO THE MARTYR 

Lincoln dead, poets began to lay laurel wreaths upon the nation’s 
fallen chief. 

Walt Whitman said: 

“And I with mournful tread 
Walk the deck, my Captain lies 
Fallen, cold and dead.” 

James Russell Lowell said: 

“Sagacious patient, dreading praise, not blame. 

New birth of our new soil, the first American.” 

John Greenleaf Whittier said: 

“We rest in peace, where these sad eyes 
Saw peril, strife and pain. 

His was the nation’s sacrifice. 

And ours the priceless gain.” 


354 


ISIAKING A NATION 


London Punch which had mocked at Lincoln in his life time: 

“Yes he had lived to shame me from my sneer, 

To lame my pencil and confute my pen, 

To make me own this kind of Princes peer. 

This rail-splitter, a true-born King of Men. 

How humble, yet how hopeful he could be. 

How in good fortune and in ill the same. 

Nor bitter in success, nor boastful he. 

Thirsty for gold, nor feverish for same. 

The Old World and the New from sea to sea 
Utter one voice of sympathy and shame. 

Sore heart, when it at last beat high. 

Sad life, cut short just as its triumph came!” 

LINCOLN AND OTHER GREAT AMERICANS 

Lincoln was essentially of the people, the disciple of the poor. 
He was the concrete essense of the American plebeian. Up to his 
day, were but few men wLo had risen to prominence in national 
affairs who had not been gifted wdth the heritage of comparative 
great wealth or name. Washington was a great land proprietor, 
owning an imm.ense estate and hundreds of slaves. Of noble birth, 
he was almost a king and-was to his finger tips the representative of 
the Colonial aristocracy. He had the birth, rearing and education 
of a gentleman and life with him was as brilliant as it had been 
dark and miserable for Lincoln. Washington’s was the courage that 
came of the pride of ancestry, but his mind was lofty nor did he 
ever fail to pursue that calm and patriotic course which not only 
made our people victorious in tlie war of the Revolution, but which 
afterwards lead us safely through the dangers that beset the nation 
on every hand. Alexander Hamilton was an intellectual giant, a 
quick debater, a m.an of infinite wit and polished in all the qualities 
that make a man shine in polite society. He possessed a mental altert- 
ness which was never Lincoln’s. Webster was gifted with a grandeur 
of diction and style that won for him the distinction of being called 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 


355 


the Demosthenes of America, but neither of these three men, with all 
their brilliancy and greatness, had Lincoln’s elevated character, his 
sympathy with toiling humanity, his knowledge of the common people, 
their aims, hopes and aspirations, nor yet that undying courage which 
is loftier than facing guns on fields of gore, and certain it is, that 
neither of the three men named could have served the country better 
than did he, when confronted with the greatest rebellion of modern 
times. He proved in his own life that the test of greatness lies in the 
wise use of power. 

Lincoln was totally unlike Thomas Jefferson. Jefferson, as the 
Author of the Declaration of Independence, has always been accounted 
a great man. He accomplished much. He was not only the creator 
, of that great document, but he was author of the statute of religious 
liberty in the State of Virginia and he was the founder of the 
University of Virginia. But Jefferson, with all his virtues, was not 
kindly of heart and the simplicity he affected at times, amounted to 
a positive rudeness. Jefferson did not possess that high virtue which 
characterized Lincoln at all times, nor could it be said of him as 
can of Lincoln that he was a man without vices. But if Jefferson 
wrote the Declaration of Independence, certain it is that Lincoln 
preserved its spirit among the people and prevented the world from 
pointing the finger of scorn at this republic, so that envious govern¬ 
ments might not say that our boasted freedom was a delusive lie. 
Daniel Webster was a more profound thinker than Lincoln, his elo¬ 
quence was more Demosthenian, but his life was marred by a vice 
that stamped him a man lacking in moral force and character. The 
possession of this one vicious habit lessened the influence which other¬ 
wise would have come through a man of such massive mental power. 

Lincoln was distinguished above all other men by reason of his 
unspeakable kindness of heart. He was rude and rough, but he was 
gentle in all his dealings with others and the greatest pain that ever 
came to him was when circumstances compelled him to give pain to 
others. He was so great and yet so humble, so strong and yet so 
gentle, so full of force and yet so kind, so exalted and yet so lowly 
that he verily seemed to have caught inspiration from heaven itself. 


356 . 


MAKING A NATION 


The stage of national action in those days was small and con¬ 
fined. The public press had not then obtained the recognition which 
is given it in these latter times. The personality of men was not 
exploited as it is now. There was no way then for the political fakir 
to hold himself before the public eye, whereby he could make the 
antics of eccentricity pass for wisdom or profound genius. The 
United States Senate was not then a rich man’s club and fashion and 
social distinction did not make or mar the public man. 

Lincoln was the gradual evolvement of a national need. He was 
the son of necessity. He was the master of an epoch. He was the King 
of a Crisis. He wrote history’s most brilliant chapter. Alexander the 
Great wept because there were not more men for him to slaughter and 
kill. Napoleon saw thousands starve and die of the nation he swore 
he loved with true devotion, and the spectacle moved him not because 
he loved the lust of power and victory. Lincoln’s word alone caused 
more blood to be shed than in the combined wars of Napoleon and 
Alexander the Great, and Lincoln suffered more than both of them 
together. Though every life lost wrenched his heart, he went ahead 
to promote that which meant the life of the nation. He could not 
see the nation die, nor liberty perish. He was a ruler of men and 
mastered them not by rude force but by gentleness. Above and beyond 
that, he was master of himself. When those who hated him came 
within the magic of his intercourse, he conquered them without effort 
and he was haughtier to the great than he was to the humble from 
whom he sprung. Pharoah was a great King and it is said that he 
was induced to grant freedoom to a race of three million slaves, but 
he repented of his goodness and sought to put his freed men back in 
chains. Lincoln proclaimed freedom to a like number and it was 
a freedom that will last until the end of all time. 

“He went about his work—such work as few 
Ever laid on head and heart and hand— 

As one who knows, where there’s a task to do 

Man’s honest will must Heaven’s good grace command.” 

He stood out, one hand resting affectionately upon the head of 
the common people whose advocate he was, the other grasping firmly 





ABRAHAM LINCOLN 


367 


and with a master grip, the nation and its involved policies. His 
eagle eye held the other countries of the earth in check and all the 
while his great, melancholy, bleeding, throbbing heart was bursting at 
the idea of the suffering through which his children were passing in 
order that wrong should be crushed and mastered and right prevail. 
Heaven gave him might of body and strength of soul and he went his 
way. The flattery and adulation of friends moved him not nor was 
he swerved from duty’s rugged path by the villification of foe. For 
one whose life was absolutely pure, he was the object of more venom¬ 
ous hatred, bitterness of attack, than any man who, before or since, 
has been before the public in official capacity. He was despised not 
only by those who were his opposite in political faith, but he had to 
meet the mistrust of those who had been partially responsible for 
his elevation to the Presidency. The mere politician of all creeds 
laughed at him, the members of his own cabinet tried to lord it 
over him, but when the supreme test of authority came, they found 
him hard as iron, and cold and unbending as steel. As boy, struggling 
for 5'ears for the possession of a grammar, as rail splitter, as common 
boatman to New Orleans, as member of the legislature or Congress, 
as law)'’er, as orator, on the field of national debate, or as President, 
he towered over men, not only by reason of his great physical height, 
but by reason of the possession of a heart and mind that made him 
win dominion over the lives of the sons of men and m^ade him great 
in all things. 

Lincoln saw more clearly than any of his contemporaries the 
m.ighty necessity of the preservation of the Union. Plis prophetic eye 
looked into the future as far as it is given the mind of man to see. 
In disunion apart from the question of slavery, he saw the greatest 
blow that had ever been struck at hum.an liberty. Plis ears were 
smitten with the mocking and bitter cry of friend and foe alike. Men 
delighted to wring and agonize his soul with tales of the privation and 
agony of the soldier. Others tried to move him to compromise with 
wrong by reason of the material cost of the struggle. But he was wiser 
and firmer than they. He knew that there was no cost too great to 
pay for liberty, for liberty was of right and ought to be the heritage of 


358 


MAKING A NATION 


the generations yet unborn. He foresaw that which has come to us. 
This Republic for all time to come, will have a voice in deciding 
the destiny of all mankind. 

That such is the case, is due to the wisdom, foresight, moral 
and political courage of Abraham Lincoln. Fancy today, this great 
Republic torn apart, dismembered into two or more independent 
nations. Who can contemplate the thought without a shudder of 
horror and yet a man less firm and upright in the executive chair 
of this nation during those trying times, might have plunged this 
people into that very condition. The smoke of battle has long since 
cleared away; the deep storm of fierce passions has been calmed by 
the Angel of Peace; fraternal ties that were sundered by the sword 
have been happily restored; the glory of a common flag beams 
alike on North and South; its inspiration and might and God, help 
that power that seeks to sully the national emblem. Our country in 
following its stupendous destiny, has already become one of the 
foremost of the great congress of nations; our vast enterprises have 
gained the wonder and admiration of the world; prosperity flows in 
like a tidal wave upon our hundred millions; but over and above 
it all, there hovers the majestic shade of the martyred Lincoln as 
if in contemplation of the already pregnant fulfillment of his prophetic 
vision and radiant with serene confidence in the greater glories that 
are yet to be achieved by this Republic. Part of our mission as a 
nation will be yet to teach that “peace hath her victories no less 
renowned than war” and that the universal good of mankind should 
be the highest aim of every unit in the teeming millions of the earth. 
The real lesson of Lincoln’s life lies in the thought that greatness 
to be enduring, must rest on character. Others have had more 
learning, polish, brilliancy of genius, greater experience in statesman¬ 
ship, but none were so distinctively a part of the common people of 
the Republic and until the end of time, he will stand as the greatest 
and most sublime figure in American histor)^ 

Whose the voice, hath falsely said 

That stilled forever are the dead ? 

What coward shrinks in timid fear 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 


359 


The cryptic messages to hear? 

Some lived, who, passing on, have died 
To live again the grave defied. 

Death joyous as the day of birth 
In that they served the weak of earth. 

Thus LINCOLN, sad eyed, strong in deed 
Crushed barriers of race and creed; 

With fearless stroke of pen he gave 
Freedom to the trembling slave 
Thru lonely vigils—Jove-like wrought 
Steel shafts of never dying thought. 

And to a world, bent low in tears, 

He speaks across ten thousand years. 


i 



Theodore Roosevelt 


HOUGH THE Revolutionary period called forth a remarkable 
X array of brilliant men, it is contended that George Washington 
was the outstanding figure. Alexander Hamilton dominated the 
epoch of Constitutional creation. For a third of a century, John 
Marshall, as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, construed the Con¬ 
stitution, voicing through judicial opinion the theory of national 
supremacy, and the non-severable union of the States. Each great 
epoch, generated by a great mass movement developed its great men. 
Thus, when the struggle arose over the Constitutional right of a 
state to secede from the American Union, Abraham Lincoln was 
lifted from obscurity to lead the forces, inspired not only to save 
the Union but equally determined to abolish human slavery in these 
United States. The unparalleled industrial and financial expansion 
of the country which followed the Civil War, brought with it, greed 
selffishness, and political corruption. Power, wealth and privilege 
through official favoritism became concentrated into comparatively 
few hands. Big interests combined in collossal corporations, sought 
cheap labor, foreign lands were scoured, unchecked immigration 
flooded the country with millions. Some were sturdy, intelligent 
and assimilative. Vast hordes, however, were ill-fitted for American 
citizenship because they brought with them a wrong conception of 
our institutions. Some of these imbued with the spirit of Socialism 
inspired by oppression, leaped into labor leadership and some were 
bold enough to preach force and violence as weapons in the settlement 
of industrial dispute. 

Though negro slavery had been abolished, though production had 
increased, though the country had expanded in unequalled proportions, 
the farmer, miner, timberm.an, and fisher, these vital forces in the 
creation of primal national wealth toiled incessantly and barely lived. 
Accident, sickness, old age, left them without protection, despite the 
fact that they did the work of the nation. Little real good was ac¬ 
complished by an appeal to politics through the ballot. Politicians, 


362 


MAKING A NATION 


though elected by the vote of the people, found it more profitable to 
serve the rich and powerful than to effectuate the popular desire 
for justice. Invisible forces sw^ayed Governmental action. Changes 
in partisan control did not effect general conditions. Seemingly we 
had lost sight of the human element in our relations to each other 
as citizens of a common country. It appeared that those high in 
authority believed that people at large might accept a theory of 
justice and equality even if it was not put in actual practice. The 
propaganda of the “full dinner pail” swept the land. Thus, for 
a time, we smouldered the hidden fires, while power and privilege 
went its way in fancied security. Thus was being born a mighty 
conflict between gold and brawn. Meanwhile the great body of the 
people, not embraced in either of the contending forces, paid tribute. 
Organized capital, only strengthened organized labor in its insistent 
demand for fair treatment, better living and working conditions and 
just compensation. Class conflict loomed in tragic menace. This was 
all the more dreadful, because on the surface of things the nation 
was passing through a period of tremendous prosperity. 

It was when these elements were being brewed in the cauldron 
of human events that Theodore Roosevelt appeared upon the stage 
of action. Birth, breeding, early association, education, and mastery 
of self equipped him splendidly to play a great part. Such was, how¬ 
ever, the nature of the man, such was his character, such was his 
aspiration, that he would have distinguished himself in any age or 
any land. Theodore’s youth was spent in a household where primi¬ 
tive standards of family righteousness, morality, and obedience were 
highly maintained. His mother was a woman of strong character but 
great tenderness. His father was a great and useful citizen. Though 
he demanded obedience, he was the idol of his family. Both parents' 
were potent influences in the subsequent career of their distinguished 
son. Years after the elder Roosevelt had passed on, when Theodore ] 
first celebrated his entrance into the White House as President, by 
a simple family dinner, he said: “I can almost feel my father’s 
hand upon my shoulder. I shall perform no act in my official or 
private capacity to which my father would not have given his ap¬ 
proval.” 



THEODORE ROOSEVELT 


363 


As a youth not oniy was Teddy poor in general health, but 
his eyesight was very defective. His father would not indulge weak¬ 
ness of any kind. Realizing the need of out door life he sent his son 
up from New York to the woods of Maine to lead an out door life. 
On the way, Teddy met two other boys, older and stronger. Over a 
boys’ argument of some trifling nature, a fight took place in which 
Teddy was rather badly whipped. This convinced him of the necessity 
of developing his body. He took up boxing, fencing, horseback 
riding. He soon became comparatively strong, active and much 
improved in health. Well born and while not wealthy, he had enough 
of this world’s goods to have lived a life of ease and idleness, had he 
so chosen. A graduate of Harvard, his early tastes led him into the 
path of literature and he wrote with considerable excellence. His 
naval history of the war of 1812 and The Winning of the West 
revealed studious application and exceptional ability. 

The public service had for him a final allurement. He decided 
to go into politics. His friends either regarded such a determination 
with holy horror or smiled in high mirth. They plainly said it was 
silly that a young man of his station in life, who had a fair income, 
should go down into the mud and mire of the politics of the day. 
The Puritans and Pharisees agreed in this view. High minded men 
and big men of affairs would have none of it. The business of govern¬ 
ment was conducted by politicians. It was rather tacitly understood 
that the spoils of New York City should be the exclusive property 
and prerogative of the bosses of Tammany Hall while that of the 
State should be controlled by Senator Tom Platt. Later years showed 
more particularly how the “swag” was cut up. But, that local and 
state legislation and privileges was handled according to the will of 
Platt, Boss Tweed, Dick Crocker, and Charles Murphy, is history. 

Roosevelt came of practical, hard headed, strong fisted Dutch 
stock. He had ideals and dreams but he knew that the only way to 
translate them into realities, was through practical action. He first 
sought election to the New York State Assembly. He did not 
kidglove or upstage his constituency. He went out into the open, 
put up a red hot, manly, open American sort of a campaign and won. 


I 


364 


MAKING A NATION 


Elected as a Republican, his organization early served notice on him 
that if he expected further honors, that he must be a “regular.” In 
other words, he was expected to go to Tom Platt, state boss, for his 
orders. Teddy knew the game, and while he did not immediately 
utter a declaration of independence, he soon gave evidence that he 
would not bow to the crack of the party whip! 

H is first session was occupied mainly with a very earnest attempt 
to bring about reformation in the primary election system and in 
procuring laws for the introduction of civil service in state employ¬ 
ment. Neither of these attempts pleased politicians. He was not, 
however, deemed dangerous. The author of them was regarded 
rather as a “harmless high brow” and his efforts created humor and 
merriment. Pie was not held a serious menace, until he announced 
his intention to demand the impeachment of Judge Westbrook, a 
member of the New York Judiciary, who was a subservient tool of 
corporate interests. This was the invasion of a domain wherein a 
youthful public servant was not supposed to enter. It was a viola¬ 
tion of precedent. The speech of Roosevelt supporting impeachment 
was neither eloquent nor extraordinary. It was plain, clear, con¬ 
vincing; he produced the evidence. Notice was served on him either 
to discontinue or forfeit the good will of the machine. Roosevelt 
proceeded and though by a strictly partisan report. Judge Westbrook 
got the necessary “whitewash,” his accuser had convinced the State 
of New York and the country at large, that Westbrook was a dis¬ 
honorable Judge and that big corporations were in the habit of buying 
immunity. Teddy’s reputation spread beyond the confines of his 
native state. Early in his career, Roosevelt discovered men, who 
under the guise of reform, merely free-booted with introduced bills, 
for the sole purpose of being bought off. He turned his fearless 
attention to these parasites. A graft head, lifted in this nefarious 
occupation, was sure to get cracked by the vigorous assemblyman. 
Though Roosevelt did not intend to remain in the Legislature, he 
was persuaded to run for and was elected to a second and third 
session. He began his third 5'ear in the Legislature in the campaign 
which resulted in the election of Grover Cleveland as Governor of 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT 


365 


New York. During his third term he led a group of about 40 
Independents who continued their efforts against the “Black Horse 
Cavalry” in their constant endeavor to mulct big business through 
“cinch bills.” He forced the Assembly to appoint a committee to 
investigate the police department of New York at that time conducted 
in open and flagrant corruption. He presided and secured the passage 
of a bill forbidding the manufacture of cigars in tenement houses 
wherein the cigar makers lived with their families. This bill was 
later declared unconstitutional by a court acting clearly under pressure 
of big business. Thus twice early in his career he found even judges, 
who bowed the knee to the crack of a corrupt political machine. 

The death of his mother in 1884, followed by that of his wife 
a few hours later, saddened him. He realized the emptiness of fame, 
becam.e weary and restless, went to a North Dakota ranch, resolved 
to live in the open and write. The next two years finds him, with 
rare visits to the East, living on his ranch. Ele took long rides over 
hill and prairie, rounded up and assisted in the branding of cattle. 
He followed his herd in a stampede caused by a thunderstorm. When 
necessity arose he slept on the ground or in a rude shack. Comforts 
were few, often the food was coarse. He, the “four eyed” tender¬ 
foot from the East, held his own, nor is it of record that he ever 
backed out of any sort of encounter with the many rough characters 
who made mockery of the law and order. Ele held with Polonius: 
“Beware of entrance to a quarrel, but being in, so bear thyself, that 
the advisary may beware of thee.” 

At Medora, the French settler. Marquis de Mores, comported 
himself as a feudal lord. His warlike attitude made him rather 
formidable. He established the fear that he and his men would resort 
to force to impress their will upon their neighbors. In some manner 
Roosevelt had offended the Marquis who promptly sent word that 
unless Roosevelt mended his ways, that the Marquis knew how one 
gentlemen satisfied another. Teddy despised the so-called “Code 
of Honor,” but he realized that if he showed fear, he might just 
as well leave the country. He replied to the noble (?) Frenchman 
by offering to meet him and fight with rifles at ten paces, each to 


366 


MAKING A NATION 


fire at every three paces until one was killed. De Mores was an 
expert swordsman, but not relishing the idea of offering his exquisite 
body as a target for a “dead shot” with the rifle, hastened to assure 
Mr. Roosevelt that he had misconstrued his intent entirely, dis¬ 
claiming any thought of a duel. Later Roosevelt rather despised the 
clumsy efforts of the Frenchman to be friendly. 

“Goggle Eyes” was the nick-name assigned him by his pals on 
account of the thick lenses he wore. The saloon in the frontier town 
was the only gathering place for social intercourse. In those da5^s 
the bullying gunman was much in evidence. He was usually 
greatly admired as well as feared. Though Roosevelt did not drink 
and did not carry a gun, he did visit the saloon whenever he so de¬ 
sired. On one occasion he heard shots fired in a saloon. This was not 
uncommon. He went in and sat down at a table just as the local tough 
man continued his playful antics with the gun. Many had marched 
up to the bar and purchased a drink for the gentle sport. Looking 
for more worlds to conquer he spied Roosevelt seated at a table. 
He crossed the saloon and brandishing his ready pistol he said, 
“Step up to the bar. Goggle Eyes and buy me a drink.” Rising 
from where he sat Teddy saw that the bully stood with his heels 
together. An expert boxer, he quickly realized his opportunity. 
Before the bully knew what had happened Roosevelt with a 168- 
pound punch, landed. Our friend, the gunman, standing with his 
heels together, had gone down in a heap, lulled to sleep by the twitter¬ 
ing of little birds. Two hours later when restored to consciousness, 
he was sport enough to admit the “error of his way.” But Roose¬ 
velt did not buy the drink! 

A sheriff who failed to use courage and diligence in operating 
against cattle thieves was called before a meeting of indignant ranchers. 
Roosevelt was spokesman and plainly indicated to Mr. Sheriff his 
duty and what the people demanded of him as a public servant. The 
sheriff was a gun man and of hasty temper but he bowed to the 
inevitable. As deputy sheriff Roosevelt spent three weeks pursuing 
cattle thieves who had stolen his raft. He captured them and brought 
the culprits one hundred and fifty miles to a Court of Justice for pun- 






THEODORE ROOSEVELT 367 

ishment in strict conformity with law. His neighbors wondered why 
he did not follow the prevailing custom of shooting thieves on sight! 

In addition to further strengthening his bodily health, the 
western life and experience of Theodore Roosevelt taught him the 
immense extent of national domain and its diversified resources. It 
impressed upon him the many elements which made up aggregate 
citizenship. It gave him a comprehensive national view point. It 
made him know that the Atlantic seaboard was not the only part of 
the United States that demanded legislation, that vast national 
resources should be conserved and not be allowed as a monopoly for 
vested interests. Contact with rude nature and rough men taught 
him breadth of judgment, at the same time the experience in a more 
lawless community did not lessen his keen sense of justice nor dull 
a sensitive regard for the infusion of moral standards in public and 
private life. He not only made a financial success of his ranch 
venture but developed life friendships that remained unsevered to 
the end. It softened the bite of domestic grief. Thus with body 
strong, vision keen, he turned his face Eastward, destined soon to be 
called to a high place, stern duty, grave responsibility. All that he 
thereafter achieved has become a part of national history. 

It is not definitely known whether Roosevelt had been previously 
consulted or not, but it is quite established that in 1886, in his 
Elkhorn Cabin, he read of his nomination as an Independent can¬ 
didate for Mayor of New York City. Roosevelt had too keen a 
practical judgment to think that he could win, but he accepted the 
nomination as a call to highest duty, pulled off his coat and plunged 
into the conflict. Tammany put forward Abram S. Hewitt, a busi¬ 
ness man of high integrity. Henry George of single tax fame was the 
candidate of the United Labor Party which recently had developed 
formidable strength. Tammany, with its usual cunning, stayed in 
the back ground. In an open statement Roosevelt said: “I very 
earnestly depreciate all attempts to introduce any class or caste 
feeling into the mayorality contest. Laborers and capital alike are 
interested in having an honest and economical city government, and 
if elected, I shall certainly strive to be the representative of all good 


368 


MAKING A NATION 


citizens, paying heed to nothing whatever but the general well being.” 

With a solid Tammany and a popular Henry George to combat, 
Roosevelt went down to defeat. But the campaign proved worth 
while. It revived public interest in a rising man who, while a party 
Republican, was always ready to fight official corruption whenever 
it poked its ugly head above the surface in human affairs. Defeat 
did not embitter Roosevelt. He was too good a sportsman to let 
any man’s victory over him have any permanent effect on his life 
or ultimate aims. Early in life he wrote. In his senior year at 
Harvard he began a history of the “Naval War of 1812.” After 
his experiences in Dakota he wrote “The Winning of the West.” 
If he had not gained fame as a soldier and statesmen he would have 
left behind him great distinction in literature. His style was vigorous, 
his language simple and a fine appreciation of human nature marked 
his work. He had the gift of describing impressively what he saw. 
He took deep interest in birds and animals and his record of hunting 
big game in many lands was clear and illuminating. His con¬ 
tributions to newspapers and magazines were all intelligent and earnest 
effort. His speeches, presidential messages, and reports were illumin¬ 
ating and informative. In this branch of activity as in all others he 
wore no man’s chains’. He was bold and original. He wanted to 
serve. He did serve. Extracts from his writings will be found in 
a later portion of this sketch. 

Roosevelt wanted to be a consistent Republican and so remained 
when he was allowed. He supported Harrison for President. The 
latter would have appointed him Under Secretary of State, but 
James G. Blaine, who was at the head of this department, remembered 
the cool attitude of Roosevelt toward his own ambitions. It was 
decided by over-jealous machine organization men, to entomb the 
too active Roosevelt as a Commissioner of the Civil Service. The 
salary was meagre, the duties rather routine, and the job presented 
but small opportunity for distinction. Civil Service was an idealistic 
theory, a virtue to be preached from the hill tops but in practical 
politics the offices w^re to be as heretofore, parcelled out to the 
“heelers” who could deliver the votes on election day. It was held 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT 


369 


generally that the money to pay for these rewards should be extracted 
from the public funds, and that these spurs to action were absolutely 
necessary to maintain party enthusiasm. The spoils system was halted 
and checked during the Presidency of Grover Cleveland. The ap¬ 
plication of civil service was at the crucial test point when Roosevelt 
accepted the Commissionership. 

Roosevelt was then 30 and rather a zealot in any cause espoused. 
He saw no escape from a faithful execution of the law by a public 
official. A good law will win its way with the public. Effectuating 
a bad law will quickly bring about its appeal. Violation of any exist¬ 
ing statute, good or bad, breeds a disrespect for law in general fatal 
indeed to the cause of good government. 

Therefore Roosevelt enforced the Civil Service law with vigor 
and impartiality. Senators of both parties, whose words ordinarily 
were law in the disposition of patronage, vainly sought evasion 
and exception but the young commissioner stuck to the law and 
the civil service became a living, breathing force in the affairs of 
the nation. The commission, not only had war on its hands to 
keep the unfit out, but had the same difficulty to keep the fit in their 
positions; for after each election there was enormous pressure to 
satisfy a horde of office seekers whose merit lay principally in an 
overwhelming appetite to get a small job and big pay. He served 
six years, but his interest in civil service never waned and the addi¬ 
tions to the classified service while President served to add 50,000 
offices to the list of those beyond the reach of plunderers who would 
use patronage at the expense of efficiency and merit. 

New York, in a spasm of virtue, had elected Mayor Strong, 
who asked Theodore Roosevelt to head the Police Commission and 
the latter accepted without hesitation. It was a man’s size job. 
Tammany held a 50/50 partnership with crime and gave protection 
to the vicious. Those in power protected vice in every form because 
it paid better than safeguarding virtue. The police established sys¬ 
tematized immunity upon fixed schedules of payment. This system 
of corruption was intrenched so strongly that dislodgment seemed 
a human impossibility. Gambling, prostitution, violation of liquor 


370 


MAKING A NATION 


laws, infractions of the building code, vital violations of health and 
sanitation laws, went totally unprosecuted as long as the offender 
paid the designated police official who handled the graft fund in 
his particular district. Vice paid its tribute and so did the business 
man who desired special privilege. Those who paid got what they 
wanted. Those who did not pay were held strictly accountable to 
the law. This is not suspicion. These facts all came out under oath, 
in various investigations, authorized by the legislature of the State 
of New York. It was terrible but it was true. Vice and crime 
reigned supreme in the most densely populated city of America! 

The new commissioner did not underestimate the herculean nature 
of the task which faced him. An exhaustive survey convinced him that 
the department was saturated with graft of every conceivable nature. 
He felt that there were many officers who were naturally honest 
but who had fallen under the sway of a degenerate system. His first 
move was to gain the confidence of the rank and file. The orders 
issued made it plain that the new commission intended strict and 
impartial enforcement of the law without fear or favor. It was 
further made known that men of every rank in the police force 
would be protected in the performance of their sworn duty. A few 
concrete illustrations of this policy gained the confidence of the vast 
majority of the police. This meant much to the common policeman. 
For years he had seen his superiors wax fat and wealthy on ill-gotten 
graft. He had seen men quickly dropped or framed because they 
had dared refused to obey orders. They were constantly tempted 
by evil doers who were willing to pay liberally for silent permit to 
rob or cheat the public. The force learned that under Roosevelt 
every officer big or little would get a “square deal.” Private or 
personal pull became a dead letter. It didn’t get a policeman any¬ 
where. A city ordinance required a closed saloon on Sunday. Many 
observed the law by locking the front door. But the side door was 
never closed and Sunday found the thirsty being served just as 
freely as though there was no law. This was a source of fruitful 
revenue. Roosevelt issued an order for an absolutely closed Sunday. 
The community was shocked. Business men, otherwise moral and 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT 


371 


upright, saw the glory of the big city depart. It was urged that a 
cosmopolitan city must be run wide open. Teddy was hated and 
despised not only by big business, but likewise by every enriched 
grafter in the department. He stood like the rock of Gibralter. 
Many times his life was threatened. He would have been shot in 
the back if his enemies had dared so to do. He took no information 
from doubtful sources. He made his nightly vigils and secured his 
owm facts. In a short time he eliminated the bad, promoted the 
good policemen and reorganized the department until, without a 
question, it came to be the best police force New York had ever seen. 
He could not make it perfect. Some unprincipled officers still re¬ 
mained, but he reduced crime and vice protection, to a minimum and 
even Tammany was taught to discover other means of satisfying the 
glutinous appetite of the Tiger, than through grafting upon the 
common safety and integrity of plain people. 

During his term as police commissioner a very dangerous agitator 
arrived in America. He was Herr Dr. Ahlwardt, whose mission 
was to stir up hatred against the Jews. The Hebrews, greatly 
agitated, petitioned Roosevelt to prevent Ahlwardt from public speak¬ 
ing. Teddy realized that suppression of the foul mouthed wretch 
would martyrize him and his cause. Roosevelt had no sympathy with 
racial persecution and he quickly formulated his plan. Ahlwardt had 
rented a big hall on the East Side and advertised a meeting. The city 
knew that there would be a tremendous outpouring which would in¬ 
clude large members of the Hebrew race. Mr. Roosevelt summoned 
half a hundred of the best Jewish policemen in the department and 
ordered them to attend the Ahlwardt meeting, preserve order, and pro¬ 
tect the speaker from interruption or abuse. The hot-headed Ahlwardt 
howled forth his venom, he expectorated his store of lies, vilification and 
denunciation. The Elebrew policemen, the Hebrew audience, the 
great public, saw the humor of the situation and laughed the Jew 
baiter out of the country. His attempt to stir the people against the 
Jews was a failure, largely because Roosevelt’s stragegy had turned 
tragedy into comedy. If New York politicians hated Roosevelt, the 
nation respected him. 


372 


MAKING A NATION 


The people at large were deeply concerned when Roosevelt 
resigned from the police department of New York City to fill the 
post of Assistant Secretary of the Navy by appointment from Presi¬ 
dent William McKinley. Not all, for the criminal and lawless 
hordes, rejoiced. They saw in prospect another lease of life, through 
the departure of Roosevelt from the scene of action. Roosevelt was 
now 38 at life’s prime, strong in body, quick in action, brimful of 
endurance. Up to this time many who were sincerely interested in 
the career of Roosevelt regarded him as merely an intellectual “flash 
in the pan.” All such were wrong. From the hour he had defied 
the machine in offering the resolution for the impeachment of Judge 
Westbrook, a powerful politician but a corrupt judge, to the end of 
his term as police commissioner of New York, he had shown judgment, 
executive ability, devotion to duty, and high moral courage. Each 
job, had taken on a new meaning merely because this man filled it. 
He made no pretence of accepting men at other values than they 
really were. He knew no compromise with crooks or thieves high 
or low. He was direct in his methods. He would make no truce 
with wrong or evil. He required of the public servant the same 
virtues as were demanded in private life. Daily he grew until he 
became a power in the land. 

In March, 1897, Roosevelt took up his duties as Assistant 
Secretary of the Navy. His book of naval history gave him a 
fortunate mastery on naval matters and was rather a school of 
preparation for his new work. With prophetic eye he foresaw the 
coming of conditions necessitating preparedness. Cleveland had in¬ 
sisted that England respect the Monroe Doctrine in her attitude over 
a boundary question in Venezuela. Conditions in Cuba were volcanic, 
Spanish tyranny set native Cubans aflame and American sympathy 
became vitalized into a public opinion that demanded action. It 
seemed inevitable that this nation could escape the obligation of 
helping Cuba to escape from the inhumanity and oppression of Spain. 
The under secretary did all he could to inspire efficiency in the per¬ 
sonnel of the American navy and to secure from Congress such 
appropriations as would enable the navy department to speed con- 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT 


373 


struction. In the fall of 1897 American residents in Havana were 
treated by Spanish officials with such injustice that the United States 
Government despatched the battleship Maine to Cuban waters to be in 
readiness to protect its citizens should Spain commit an overt act 
against the American residents. February 15, 1898, the Maine w’as 
blown up in the harbor with fatal loss of life. 

Thus the academic forces, that howled against the under naval 
secretary because he pled for preparedness were brought face to face 
with war. Roosevelt did not fool himself or the country; with tire¬ 
less energy he pushed preparations. Orders w’ere issued despatching 
ships to strategic points. The Asiatic squadron was ordered to 
Hong Kong with directions to bottle up the Spanish fleet. This gave 
Dewey his chance to destroy the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay and 
resulted in the quick victory of the United States against Spain and 
the freedom of Cuba. 

Prior, however, to this, he had resigned from the navy, had 
organized the regiment of Rough Riders and had participated in 
active warfare on Cuban soil. He heeded what to him was the 
sacred call of contributing to the struggle for the Independence of 
a people battling for liberty on American soil. The campaign was 
short. The Spaniards were by no means formidable. Dewey at 
Manila and the land forces at San Juan Hill brought Spain quickly 
to her knees. The actual fighting was neither lengthy nor brilliant. 
Roosevelt was the idol of his regiment. Though he had little oppor¬ 
tunity to show great brilliance as a military leader, he gave a good 
account of himself and perhaps achieved greater glory than he really 
deserved. Whether or not Roosevelt purposely cultivated spectacular 
effect, he had it in large measure. The hero worshipper, largely in 
evidence, gave him almost the entire credit for winning the battle 
of San Juan Flill and he leaped to a greater height of popularity 
than enjo5'ed by any other soldier connected with the war against 
Spain. 

Our military organization was in wretched state. Red tape 
w’as monarch of all he surveyed. The war over, conflict arose as 
to the disposition of the troops. Roosevelt’s efforts to get his regi- 


374 


MAKING A NATION 


ment out of Cuba amounted almost to military insubordination. 
His survey of conditions revealed sickness and disease. It was pre¬ 
sented with all his accustomed vehemence and vigor. Men were 
dying faster through yellow fever, then they had from Spanish bul¬ 
lets and still Washington procrastinated. “To keep us here,” he 
wrote, “In the opinion of every officer commanding a division or 
brigade, will involve the destruction of thousands. If we are kept 
here it will in all human probability mean an appalling disaster. The 
sick list exceeds 4000; not 10% are fit for active duty.” The letter 
thus written was wired by the Associated Press to the United States 
and the country was horrified at the frightful picture. 

General Shafter called a council of war to which Theodore Roose¬ 
velt, being a non-commissioned officer, had no official right to take part, 
but he did. A round robin was signed petitioning the War Department 
to issue an order for the return of the American soldiers on duty in 
Cuba to the United States. Such a course was a direct offense to 
military precedent. As usual Teddy broke through the red tape, 
the dogmatic confines of officialdom, because to do otherwise was to 
endanger the lives of many brave men. The War Department was 
compelled to give heed to an aroused public opinion and quickly ordered 
the transportation of the soldiers to their native land. At Montauk 
Point, Long Island, many of the sick, as they recovered, thanked God 
that the courage of Roosevelt had brought about this timely decision. 
In spite of this, large numbers of faithful fighters died from disease 
and exposure endured on Cuban soil. Roosevelt at the very outset of 
his short military career discovered great inefficiency and he traced 
it to the utter unprepared condition of the army in all its branches. 
This was the secret of that incessant appeal for an army and navy 
capable of coping successfully with any sudden crisis. A victory had 
been won against a feeble, impoverished nation but at the waste of 
thousands of lives and millions of gold. He was no jingoist desiring 
war, but a statesman of vision who knew history taught men to speak 
softly but at the same time to carry the “big stick.” 

If Roosevelt had planned deliberately to bid for national popu¬ 
larity, he could not have chosen a more successful line of action. A 


I 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT 375 

concrete public opinion was forming which would eventually demand 
of him high service. While at Montauk Point waiting, like any 
private to be mustered out of service, he was visited by all sorts and 
conditions of men. The masses wanted to make him Governor of 
New York which was generally regarded as next in importance to 
the National Presidency. That which the people desired did not 
always come to pass. The political boss system held high power. 
In New York State it was almost Impossible to break down the 
limitless power of the machine. Senator Tom Platt ruled the Repub¬ 
lican party with a rod of iron. David B. Hill was Democracy’s state 
leader and Richard Crocker dominated Tammany. There was a 
sort of unwritten understanding between this trio of political bandits. 
It all had to do with the disposition of the spoils, the graft, the ex¬ 
ploitation of the state. Platt was of peculiar virtue in private life. 
Pie did not not materially enrich himself from his autocratic power 
as the undisputed party leader in New York. It is equally true that 
David B. Hill was personally honest. These two loved power and 
authority. They took pride in dominating men. Crocker was a 
grafter pure and simple and toward the end of his career, frightened 
at popular suspicion and disapproval, he left America and with his 
wealth made his final home in Ireland. The people were beguiled 
into thinking that they ruled. They were merely following the 
dictates of the trio. Platt’s influence in Republican politics extended 
beyond New York to the nation at large because he co-operated with 
Matt Quay, the Pennsylvania despot, and Mark Hanna, the efficient 
though iron gloved ruler of the party in the State of Ohio. These 
men were the Warwicks. They could not be kings but they could 
make and unmake kings. 

The popularity of Roosevelt was a source of great worry pri¬ 
marily to Platt in New York but incidentally to other machine 
leaders, who saw in Roosevelt’s independence, a menace to machine 
supremacy in state and nation. But the fact remained that the 
Republican party could not win in 1898 unless it topped the ticket 
with a strong candidate. Senator Platt was wily enough to know 
that no man in the State of New York had attained such a hold 


376 


MAKING A NATION 


on the people as Colonel Roosevelt. The boss permitted the emissaries 
to feel out the Colonel and find out whether or not as governor, he 
would “play the game” and listen to reason. Listening to reason, in 
plain words, meant a continuation of the domination of Platt and 
his machine in state affairs. These men finally made it known to 
Roosevelt, that he could be governor, if he agreed not to make war 
on Platt. Roosevelt spoke without fear, plainly defined his attitude. 
He was too practical to turn aside the support of the organization 
as he really wanted to be governor, but he further said that he wanted 
to be governor of all the people and not of a faction, that he would 
confer with the organization or anybody else with intelligent interest 
in public affairs, that he intended to make w’ar on no man unless that 
man invited such action, that he would strive to work in harmony 
with the organization, but that it must in turn do what was necessary 
for the public good, but that after all was said and done and all con¬ 
sideration (due and proper) had been accorded to the organization, 
he should finally have to act according to his own judgment and 
conscience. In other words, he proved to be just as clever a politician 
as Platt. He uttered no defiance, he was willing to work in har¬ 
mony, even with the machine, so long as the machine protected honor¬ 
ably the interests of the state. The machine could not go on record 
as demanding more. Platt finally gave his consent. Roosevelt was 
nominated and elected. 

Platt was not ready to surrender and even before Roose¬ 
velt took the oath of office as governor he was asked by Platt, 
if, as governor, he had any friends which he would like to see 
appointed on various legislative committees. A week later Platt in¬ 
formed the governor of the appointment of a certain politician as 
Superintendent of Public Works. Roosevelt felt the man incom¬ 
petent, refused to permit such appointment. Platt was furious. 
Roosevelt, cool and polite but adamant; the governor was master 
and Platt bowed to the inevitable. He was a busy and active gov¬ 
ernor. He forced through laws demanding the highest standard in 
public service. He compelled the taxation of public service corpora¬ 
tions. He watchfully guarded execution of factory laws designed 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT 


377 


to protect people who toiled. Corrupt officials had given immunity to 
those who paid for protection, disregarding human safety and hap¬ 
piness. He im.pressed his personality not only upon every depart¬ 
ment of state government but in the halls of the legislature. A refusal 
to heed constructive suggestion brought Roosevelt quickly into aggres¬ 
sive action. The House and Senate hesitated to defy this official who 
stopped at nothing in his intense desire to force conscience into the 
public service. Roosevelt locked horns again with Platt over the 
appointment of the Superintendent of Insurance. The Senator stormed, 
but Roosevelt remained immovable. One of the machine henchmen 
was sent with the threat that defiance meant ruin but Teddy only 
smiled his inscrutable smile, saying that while all this ruin was 
proceeding he would guarantee to m.ake his opponents quite uncom¬ 
fortable. As usual the bluff was parried. Platt gave in and Roosevelt 
appointed a clean, com-petent man to the post. 

Roosevelt really wanted to serve for two years more as governor 
of New York and he could have had that honor had it not been for 
Platt. When the campaign approached, many machine men had started 
a miovement to nominate Roosevelt for Vice-President. He objected. 
He told the organization men plainly that he had no desire to 
be buried in the Vice-Presidency. But in deft and cunning fashion 
the country was flooded with propaganda. Platt conspired with Matt 
Quay and others, after McKinley had been re-nominated, the con¬ 
vention was swept off its feet and his choice by acclamation as Vice- 
President deceived Roosevelt into believing that his nomination as 
Vice-President had been in response to an overwhelming National de¬ 
mand. He fell before the cunning art of the politicians who desired 
above all things to spare Platt another two years of Rooseveltian 
mastery at Albany. Always obedient to what appeared the call to serv¬ 
ice, Roosevelt accepted and his brilliant campaign for the ticket is a part 
of history. Pie sped over the land, lambasting the enemy, sometimes 
witty, always biting and sarcastic and ready to take a blow to give 
one. His willingness to m.eet all men, his refusal to compromise with 
principle, made him known and loved by added millions of his 
' countrymen. 


378 


MAKING A NATION 


The result of the campaign was his election as Vice-President. 
He chafed under the glaring obscurity and inactivity of this sup¬ 
posedly political tomb. In the month of September, 1901, the country 
was shocked by an assassin’s attempt upon the life of William Mc¬ 
Kinley. Immediately the news reached Roosevelt, he hastened to 
the bedside of the wounded man, offering in grieved sincerity to 
perform any service suggested by his chieftain. The most em.inent 
doctors reported the wounds trivial and the victim in no danger. 
To mortal man is not given the power of reaching the secret recesses 
of the soul. What thought, what vision, hope, ambition, longing 
inspired Theodore Roosevelt in that trying hour? It may surely be 
said that at least that he did not wish to come into the highest honor 
of all the w’orld, through the assassination of the Chief Magistrate 
of the Nation. A study of Roosevelt’s life leads to the conclusion that 
in that solemn crisis he cherished no unholy hope. Roosevelt was 
a born fighter. He could not but sense that the future held higher 
honors and still greater service. Things which came easy to him 
meant nothing. He would have been less than human not to have 
cherished Presidential ambitions, but he would have preferred a 
stormy battle, a fight toe to toe, and to have had the glorious satis¬ 
faction of having whipped a political foe. 

Every eye in America turned from the bedside of the stricken 
President to the young man whom destiny any moment might call 
to this grave and high responsibility. Roosevelt knew that every 
move, every word of his would be the subject of cruel and vindictive 
construction. He hastened away from the haunts of men, maybe in 
the silent purity of the great out-doors to commune with his soul. 
But the President suddenly grew rapidly worse and Roosevelt was 
summoned. He sped across hill and dale and upon his arrival at 
Buffalo, N. Y., was Informed that the gentle McKinley had passed 
on. He was sworn in at once as Chief Magistrate of the United 
States of America and in assuming office declared that he would 
continue unbroken the policies of President McKinley for peace, pros¬ 
perity and honor of the nation. Upon his arrival at Washington he 
requested all members of the Cabinet to remain at their respective 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT 


379 


posts of duty. He was particularly anxious to retain John Hay as 
Secretary of State. The same John Hay who had hut a year before 
written about him in terms of amused tolerance. Hay had changed 
his viewpoint and writing to a friend said, “He is an old and intimate 
friend of mine. A young fellow of infinite dash and originality.” 
In 1899 Lord Bryce, a careful student of history had said, “Theodore 
Roosevelt is the hope of American politics.” No man in all American 
history confronted graver natural peril than the new executive. No 
man surveyed conditions with a clearer eye. He practiced no self- 
deception. He set about his task with courage, a high sense of justice 
and the resolve to set the feet of the nation upon the pathway of 
public righteousness. 

No state can survive where a powerful minority imposes its will 
upon a wronged majority, which, however, lacks the genius of wise 
and just leadership. Capital had become arrogant, labor sullen, venge¬ 
ful, insistent. Discontent, agitation, force, violence, seethed and the 
unofficial hirelings of corporations, often committed overt acts calcu¬ 
lated to irritate still further the submerged tenth. The nation’s riches 
had increased beyond the wildest dreams of avarice, while little chil¬ 
dren and women toiled, and millions gave all the effort they were 
capable of, toward production, while at the same time vast millions 
existed in a state bordering on poverty. 

Roosevelt sensed the tragic nature of the crisis, and had a definite 
policy by which to handle the situation. Whether his way was 
best or not may be open to academic discussion. If he could not 
permanently cure the evils which afflicted the nation, it was his 
purpose to avert present calamity. This he did with his usual 
frank, direct, open action. He realized that the most salient 
cause of conflict between men is their unwillingness or inability 
to know the other side. He was a great believer in the theory 
that if men could be gotten together in conference around a 
table that solution of vexing problems could be reached; that the 
majority of men, rich or poor, were reasonable and could be led to 
give and take. This did not always prove true. In both camps there 
were stubborn, arrogant, wilful men who saw in open conflict the 


380 


MAKING A NATION 


means of keeping themselves in power and authority. But in the 
main Roosevelt was right. As Thayer said, “Honest, justice, reason, 
were to him not mere words to decorate a message. They were the 
most real of all realities, moral agents to be used to clear away the 
deadlock into which civilization was settling.” For many years 
Roosevelt had been attending a school of intensive preparation for 
the Titanic struggle before him on domestic issues. A Republican 
by party affiliation, it was through this organization that he must 
work. The big interests had assumed such proportion and power that 
their curbing was necessary to the safety, peace, and happiness of the 
nation. In the early days of industrial Invention and growth, corpora¬ 
tions and promoters were highly beneficial. The man who started the 
first cotton mill, the first iron furnace, the early railroad mileage, was a 
great servant of the people. He did not vision the coming of the hour 
when his corporation, amalgamating with a hundred other similar 
organizations, would strangle legitimate competition and thereby wield 
an arbitrary power never before maintained in the history of industrial 
and financial progress. 

Four j^ears prior to the beginning of Roosevelt’s administration. 
Congress had passed the Interstate Commerce act which sought to 
regulate railroad rates and traffic. Then followed anti-trust laws 
forbidding pools whereby producers combined to sell their staples at 
uniform prices. The steel trust, by combining eleven competitive 
companies was capitalized at more than one billion dollars. The 
Northern Security Corporation practically controlled the Northern 
Pacific as well as the Great Northern, originally constructed as a 
competing common carrier. The Standard Oil Company operated 
mergers that also stifled honest competition. The big interests designed 
to comply with the letter, if not with the real spirit and intent of 
the law. 

The President’s policy was open, not secret. He insisted in 
the strict enforcement of the law. He suggested new legislation to 
obstruct capitalistic encroachment and he took a firm stand on the 
conservation of the natural resources of the country, which were being 
either wasted or coming under the control of private corporations. 
Among the laws put into force during his Presidential years were: 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT 


381 


The Elkins anti-rebate law applied to Railroads; 

Creation of the Department of Labor and Commerce; 

The law authorizing the construction of the Panana Canal ; 

Vital amendments to the Interstate Commerce act; 

The pure food and meat inspection statutes to protect the health 
of the people; 

The Bureau of Immigration; 

Employers’ Liability and Safety appliances for railroad em¬ 
ployees ; 

A law making the Government responsible for injuries to men 
and women in its employment; 

Law limiting working hours for government employees; 

The law forbidding child labor in the District of Columbia; 

Reformation of the consular service; 

Prohibition of campaign contributions from corporations; 

The emergency currency law which also provided for a monetary 
commission. 

To illustrate the necessity of fundamental action it may be 
said that through the Northern Securities Company in 1901, E. H. 
Harriman controlled 25,000 miles of railway and was the dominant 
factor of at least 50,000 more miles of railway system. Through 
J. P. Morgan he controlled the disposition of more money than any 
other man in America. Roosevelt was openly behind the suit for 
the unmerging of two or more competitive railway systems and 
when the Supreme Court of the United States in the Northern Securi¬ 
ties case, held that such merger was illegal, a great victory was won 
for the rights of the people. Had this practice remained unchecked 
it was indeed likely that all the railroads in the country might have 
fallen beneath the control of a single individual. Such collossal 
power held by one man was totally inconsistent with Republican in¬ 
stitutions. The regulatory laws and some fearless decisions there¬ 
under were based on natural justice and hastened the day when the 
big corporations were taught their duty, responsibility, and obligation 
to the public. Every measure that aimed at the Big Interests as such, 
and only in so far as their practices injured the public, drew gigantic 


382 


MAKING A NATION 


conflict. The railroad kings, the meat packers, the timbermen, the 
land grabbers united in common warfare against this headstrong un¬ 
controllable man. He was the youngest man who ever sat in the 
White House. These enemies could not and would not see that 
his course was not the result of an obstinate antagonism but based 
upon ideals that had animated him from earliest childhood. That he 
followed definite principles, that he sought only justice for the nation 
whose laws he had sworn to uphold. 

Fearless as was his course toward corporations, equally inde¬ 
pendent was his attitude toward labor. In his first Presidential mes¬ 
sage to Congress he said: “The most vital problem with which this 
country, and for that matter, the whole civilized world, has to deal, 
is the problem which has for one side the betterment of social 
conditions, moral and physical, in large cities, and for another side 
the effort to deal with that tangle of far-reaching questions which 
we group together when we speak of ‘labor’.” But in spite of a great 
heart burning for social and industrial justice he could not be made 
to buckle to labor. He knew nothing more dangerous than that 
system of fawning upon the unions tending to erect it into a “priv¬ 
ileged class,” released from its obligation and responsibility to the 
remainder of the community. His idea of democracy was a state of 
society wherein all classes were equal before the law. He said, “The 
corporation has come to stay, just as the trades union has come to 
stay. Each can do and has done great good. Each should be favored 
as long as it does good but, each should be sharply checked when it 
acts against laiu and justice.'' The contempt for law and order 
shown by labor leaders of the Western Eederation of Miners in 1907 
which brought about the murder of Governor Schunerberg of Idaho, 
brought forth stern rebuke from Roosevelt. He said, “I treated 
anarchists and bomb throwers and dynamiting gentry precisely as I 
treated other criminals. Murder is murder. It is rendered not one 
whit better by the allegation that it is committed on behalf of a 
cause.” Later when at a meeting at Carnegie Hall, Samuel Gompers 
approved the acts of white strikers at St. Louis in burning the home 
and killing strike-breaking negroes, Roosevelt strode across the plat- 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT 


383 


form and with doubled fists under Gomper’s nose denounced Gompers 
as a dangerous demagogue. 

The coal strike of 1902 on the Pennsylvania mines found the 
coal operators and the miners in a deadlock. In September the 
public started to realize that not only was a freezing Eastern winter 
tragically imminent, but a paralysis of the industrial and transpor¬ 
tation activities of the country. It was the duty of the Governor 
of Pennsylvania to act. The coal barons were content as long as 
they knew the state would protect the mine properties. They thus 
thought to starve the miners into submission. The President invited 
the leaders of both sides to the White House. It was beyond his 
official authority. Pennsylvania had not asked national aid in the 
solution of the problem. But mere technicalities had no weight with 
Roosevelt. The nation faced a severe crisis. He seized the situation, 
made the contending forces agree to an arbitration commission and 
practically forced such compromise as opened the mines and averted 
a great national calamity. In spite of arrogant capital, in spite of 
obstinate labor, he compelled the warring forces to realize the greater 
interests of the vast nation. He did not please labor or capital but 
he protected the people and planted an undying principle. Had the 
contestants refused arbitration and maintained their plan of non¬ 
production, he would have seized the mines and produced coal for the 
benefit of the people. 

It fell to Roosevelt’s lot to regulate our insular possessions which 
we inherited as a result of the Spanish-American War. By deft 
diplomacy. Inspired by international justice he settled justly an irritat¬ 
ing dispute over the Alaskan boundary between Canada and the 
United States. He arranged affairs in Panama so as to avoid any 
cause of conflict between the United States and Great Britain. By 
brushing into the discard the meaningless postures of diplomats he 
blocked the game of Columbia which, through blackmail, tried to 
obstruct construction of the Panama Canal. 

It is deeply true that Roosevelt had a clearer perception of the 
design of the German Kaiser than other American officials. This 
knowledge made him at all times keen for preparedness. The Kaiser 


384 


MAKING A NATION 


did not know America. His paid spies deceived him. He felt that 
America could never be induced to join in any war against Germany. 
Long he planned the commercial supremacy of South America. Ger¬ 
man influence and finances were rapidly dominating there. It shocked 
him to find that Grover Cleveland in 1895 re-affirmed the 
Monroe Doctrine. He professed open friendship for the United 
States but secretely his foreign office was continually engaged through 
every possible channel, of spreading propaganda against the country. 
It is claimed that Germany tried to induce England to join her in 
an operation against the United States during the trouble with Spain. 
England, not only declined but intimated that if she took any part 
in the conflict it would be on the side of the United States. The 
Kaiser did order a German fleet to Manila. It arrived shortly after 
Dewey’s victory over the Spanish. The Germans did not commit 
the folly of an attack. The next German attempt was to purchase 
two ports in Lower California from a Mexican Land Company. 
They failed in a plan to locate a safe harbor in the Carribean Sea. 
All these with the design of securing a location from which an 
attack could be made against the great canal. 

His next move was directed against Venezuela. The citizens of 
that republic were heavily in debt to German merchants and bankers. 
Venezuela was not wholly free from wrong. It seemed as though her 
people were bent on repudiating just claims of England, Italy and 
Germany. Fleets of these three powerful nations concentrated in the 
Venezuelan coast and maintained a “peaceful blockade.” Roosevelt, 
through Secretary of State Hays, maintained that blockade of any kind 
was an act of war. Germany further issued an order to bombard the 
harbors unless these debts were paid immediately. Roosevelt knew that 
deep design lay hidden in this declaration. A few German troops in 
possession of Caracas or Porto Cabello, upon the thin pretext of 
collecting customs to apply on debts, would mean that the German 
Kaiser would at last have secured a colorable hold on at least one 
portion of the American continent. Possession meant war, for German 
pride and prestige, would demand retention at all hazards. Roose¬ 
velt took counsel with England and Italy and was assured that these 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT 


385 


two nations would submit their claims to arbitration, neither scheming 
for territorial aggrandizement. 

When the German Ambassador called at the White House, 
Roosevelt instructed him to state to the Kaiser that if within ten 
days Germany failed to agree to arbitrate that Dewey, in command 
of the flower of the American navy, would proceed to Venezuela 
prepared to defend any attack against that country. Dr. Von 
Holleben protested that the Kaiser could not recede from his orig¬ 
inal position. He was even afraid to cable the President’s words. 
The German envoy called again. The President asked him if 
Berlin had replied. Upon a negative answer the President said, 
“Very well, you may think it worth while to cable Berlin, that 
I have changed my mind. I am instructing Admiral Dewey to take 
our fleet to Venezuela next Monday instead of Tuesday.” This 
brought the stolid and wily German to quick action. In a few hours 
Von Plolleben returned to President Roosevelt with the answer which 
was “His Imperial Majesty consents to arbitrate!” The complete 
facts were not made known at the time. Later it was revealed that 
Holleben took counsel with Buenz the German Consul General at 
New York. The latter explained the power of Dewey’s fleet. He 
further stated that he knew the President and was certain that he 
was not bluffing. 

The Kaiser ruthlessly chopped off Plolleben’s official head. The 
German autocrat never tolerated mediocrity or failure. Holleben 
was suddenly seized with “chronic illness” and was recalled to Ger¬ 
many. 

Before he departed Prince Henry, the Kaiser’s brother, visited 
the United States as a sort of a peace offering and further to “spy out 
the law.” At a banquet in the White House given in his honor, 
Holleben suggested that he “walk out first” to the table. Roosevelt 
curtly thundered, “No person living precedes the President of the 
United States in the White House!” 

Though the Kaiser now knew that as long as Roosevelt was at the 
head of the nation no violation of the Monroe Doctrine, his plots to 
corrupt public sentiment did not cease. He connived with Mexico, 


386 


MAKING A NATION 


he attempted to pollute South American states, he was underneath 
the scheme to widen the breach between the United States and Japan, 
while his spies and propaganda agents were busy in every portion of 
the country. 

France, secure in her ability to maintain herself largely upon 
her internal productiveness, was tempting fate by conspiring to gain 
a protectorate in Morocco. This the Germans coveted. Wilhelm 
even went so far as to hint that the aid of the United States to 
prevent this would not be unwelcome. Roosevelt was too shrewd to 
fall into so palpable an error. Through the channels of diplomacy 
he made it plain to the Kaiser that while the United States would 
use all its resources to prevent the impairment of the Monroe Doc¬ 
trine that it was equally our policy to avoid any participation in 
European quarrels. Had Roosevelt fallen into this trap the German 
monarch could easily have claimed that he had as much right to 
interfere in American matters as the United States had to take part 
in the concerns of the old world. The tension grew so great over 
the Morocco affair, that it looked for a time as though this would 
be used as the German pretext, for that war against France for which 
Germany had been so long preparing. Again Theodore Roosevelt 
did the daring thing, riding down ancient diplomatic precedent, he 
wrote privately to Wilhelm. He told the German autocrat that 
war against France would be a crime against civilization, suggesting 
a conference of Powers with the intent and purpose of peaceful solu¬ 
tion. The Kaiser for the time submitted to the dictates of reason and 
the conference was held. 

During the latter part of the term of William McKinley, Secre¬ 
tary of State Hays had negotiated treaties among all leading power 
which guaranteed the “open door” in China. The conflict to main¬ 
tain good faith, however, was carried on for some years. Germany 
was the most flagrant offender. Here was rich booty. Germany 
planned to cut up the Chinese Empire and parcel it out among Europ¬ 
ean nations. Wilhelm might have succeeded had not Roosevelt and 
Hays obstructed the wicked design. Roosevelt watched, however, with 
keen apprehension the abnormal and feverish naval construction in 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT 


387 


Germany. It meant to him that the day was not distant when Ger¬ 
many would make its desperate thrust for the Dominion of the 
World. To those who have maintained that Roosevelt was un¬ 
necessarily warlike it m.ay be submitted that he had sources of in¬ 
formation concerning world conditions that the ordinary citizen did 
not know, conditions which he could not reveal. The plans of dif¬ 
ferent nations, the ambitions of Germany, the quick development of 
Japan, all convinced him that war or not, the nation must be put 
in such condition that it could defend itself; that every youth should 
have regular military training to make him strong and build up in 
him high character, and a deep sense of patriotic duty. His big naval 
program, the world voyage of the Atlantic Squadron all subjected 
him to the charge of Jingoism and that he was a lover of war. He 
held all this to be among the highest safeguards of peace. Sensing 
a coming general European war, he felt that the American Republic 
would be forced into taking part, either as a belligerent or in the 
final analysis, in defense of right impaired by contending forces. He 
saw the real importance of the Panama Canal in world traffic, what 
it meant in time of war. He saw the imperative need of its full pro¬ 
tection. No statesman of the United States ever had a deeper devotion 
to peace and none ever more greatly fostered the spirit of efficient 
war, if fate or destiny thrust upon the United States that last resort 
in the settlement of a just cause. 

Roosevelt wanted a second term. He was not too confident, 
however. He knew what powerful enemies he had made during his 
administration, and Mark Hanna, a maker of Presidents, had started 
out to capture delegates pledged to Hanna. No one was foolish 
enough to believe that Hanna, with his reputation as a machine boss, 
could ever be elected President. He probably wanted something to 
trade with, perhaps he desired to give Roosevelt some uneasy hours. 
But he too passed beyond and with practically an undisputed field, 
Theodore Roosevelt was nominated and elected by two and one-half 
million votes. When victory was certain, Roosevelt sent out a state¬ 
ment, published throughout the land, that under no circumstances 
would he ever seek a third term. Circumstances did arise later. 


388 


MAKING A NATION 


which compelled him to run for the Presidency and this statement 
was brought forward against him with telling effect. Though many 
thought the cause justified the act, it was probably a good thing for 
the future of the nation that he was not elected. Though Roosevelt 
was elected President but once, he did really serve the better part 
of two terms. The precedent of limiting a man to but two terms as 
President is a healthy one. Perpetuity in public office does not sit 
well in the American mind. Office holding should never become 
hereditary no matter how amiable or able the individual may be. 

His popular victory gave him great strength but the forces against 
him, within his own party organization, were strong and aggressive 
and every move in the direction of progress and reform met with 
steady and powerful opposition. Joe Cannon of Illinois and his 
group controlled the House. Senator Aldrich and the steering com¬ 
mittee, bossed the Senate. Albert J. Beveridge of Indiana, a youthful 
forensic giant, stood pat behind Roosevelt, while the two former 
politicians represented machine objections. As Roosevelt persisted 
in his program of conservation of the natural resources for health 
laws, pure food, and proper regulation of corporations, handling life’s 
necessities, for the regulation of transportation, these standpatters 
fought to the last ditch but generally in the end surrendered, and let 
Roosevelt’s bills go through. 

When Roosevelt felt that the time was ripe, he even went 
so far as to prepare the way to name his own successor. He did 
not want reform halted nor progressive policies, which he had 
initiated, to be strangled during a succeeding administration. Judge 
Taft who was serving as Secretary of War w’as deemed best 
fitted to succeed. “Root w’ould make a better President but 
Taft a better candidate.” So Taft was nominated, made the 
run and w^as elected over Bryan. But Taft was rather lazy and 
complaisant and before his inauguration proved that Roosevelt’s choice 
had been sadly unwise. Roosevelt was under the impression that Taft 
would retain high officials, all in Roosevelt’s confidence, and all in¬ 
spired to carry forward Rooseveltian ideals. Rut Mr. Taft had been 
persuaded by the machine to a different course. He had chosen new 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT 


389 


« 

names for his official famil}^ as he had a perfect right to do, unless 
he had agreed otherwise and he denied that he had given any person 
the sightest reason to believe that he would do otherwise than he 
did. Taft, no doubt, meant well but consciously or unconsciously, 
controlled or not, he allowed himself to drift into policies which in¬ 
dicated an indifference to the ideals which had inspired his predecessor. 

The politicians plaj^ed upon the weakness of Taft. They pierced 
his pride and demanded that he be President and not be tied down 
by the policies of Roosevelt. Though the Republican platform de¬ 
clared for a revision of the tariff that meant a downward scale. Con¬ 
gress, under the pressure of big corporations, enacted a tariff bill 
with higher duties than ever before and Taft approved. Secretary 
of the Interior Ballinger trifled with Roosevelt’s conservation policies. 
Justly or unjustly the battle that had been waged against the trusts 
did not seem to be vigorously pushed, at least that was what the 
people thought. As Taft lost the support of the public at large he 
found himself stronger w-ith the machine. The stand-patters, the 
men who had influenced legislation were all united solidly in his 
support. It was a case of history repeating itself. The Old Guard 
had crept back into the saddle. Roosevelt had begun a new crusade, 
a crusade that if followed would have given a new life, a braver in¬ 
spiration to Republicanism, but the four years that followed saw 
many backward steps and progress stumbled weakly. 

Once again was Roosevelt misled into a bad step. Because his 
mail was flooded with letters from all sections and from all classes 
of people, he believed that to run again for the Presidency was a 
national duty. His leadership of the Progressive movement did not 
accomplish the purpose for which it was created and the ideals for 
which the great comimoner had fought became lost in the maze of 
political conflict and for a time made the name of Roosevelt, one hated 
by millions of his countrymen. Some of the things suggested by 
Progressiveism were the Initiative by which people could, by a certain 
number of votes, initiate new laws; the Referendum by which a law 
passed could be nullified and judicial recall by which judges and 
decisions of the courts could be recalled or set aside. Where tried. 


390 


MAKING A NATION 


I 

A . , 
I 


these laws have not been very successful and their wisdom may still 
be a question of doubt. 

The national convention of 1912 was one of the most palpably 
controlled that ever was held in this country by any party. The 
old guard was in control of the delegates. It has been asserted that 
if the delegates had been permitted to express their individuality they 
would have voted for Roosevelt but they were herded like sheep. 
Machine manipulation secured control of the 216 delegates from the 
Southern states where popular votes were few and delegates many. 
These were safely pledged and handled for Taft. In Northern, 
Western, and Pacific states Roosevelt had a significant following. 
Where the Taft men failed to control they cunningly devised contests 
with the design of seating Taft men under convention rulings. There 
developed more than 200 such contests. The historic convention 
assembled June 18, 1912, and for ten days each side skirmished for 
advantage, the machine utilizing ever>" device to maintain its power, 
the Progressives adopting every policy calculated to inspire the con¬ 
vention to a free expression of its presidential choice. 

When Roosevelt found that his long distance messages were being 
tapped by the opposition, he came to Chicago to direct in person his 
battle for nomination. Then began those virulent attacks on Roosevelt 
which will forever remain a disgrace to American politics. William 
Rarnes, Jr., leader of the New York Republican machine, declared, 
“We have got to save the country, save the constitution, save our 
liberty. We are in danger of monarchy. The country must be saved!” 
It was insinuated that if nominated and elected that Roosevelt would 
assume the title of King Theodore, harking back to the old days when 
even George Washington and Alexander Hamilton were charged with 
monarchial design because their official conduct did not suit unscrupu¬ 
lous politician foes. The machine, working without the noise and 
enthusiasm of Roosevelt’s Progressives, moved relentlessly. It had 
but one object, the defeat of Roosevelt. 

Rosewater of Nebraska who opened the convention had been told 
what to do and he faithfully did the bidding of his master. Root, 
the regular organization man, was elected temporary chairman over 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT 


391 


McGovern, the Progressive candidate, by the close vote of 558 to 501. 
In the vote for Elihu Root was counted seventy-two delegates whose 
seats were under contest. Such an election was a moral as well as a 
political sin. From this hour Roosevelt’s doom was sealed. The 
convention was conducted under the rules of the National Committee, 
with its order from the machine. In every instance the rule prevailed 
allowing the Taft contestees to vote. By the aid of such votes the 
Taft men were always victorious and the Roosevelt men always 
defeated. California officially certified the election of 26 votes for 
Roosevelt. The convention, by the narrow vote of 542 to 529, seated 
two Taft delegates. The final vote was Taft 561, Roosevelt 107, 
but 344 delegates did not vote in obedience to a personal request of 
Roosevelt. 

Through Allen of Kansas, he sent out a message containing, 
among other things, the following: 

“The convention as now composed has no claim to represent the 
voters of the Republican Party. It represents nothing but success¬ 
ful fraud in overriding the will of the rank and file of the party. Any 
man nominated by the convention as now constituted would be merely 
the beneficiary of this successful fraud; it would be deeply discreditable 
to any man to accept the convention’s nomination under these cir¬ 
cumstances; and any man thus accepting it would have no claim 
to the support of any Republican on party grounds, and would have 
forfeited the right to ask the support of any honest man of any party 
on moral grounds. 

“We do not bolt. We merely insist that you, not we, are making 
the record. And we refuse to be bound by it. We have pleaded with 
you ten days. We have fought with you five days for a square deal. 
We fight no more, we plead no longer. We shall sit in protest and 
the people who sent us here shall judge us. 

“Gentlemen, you accuse us of being radical. Let me tell you 
that no radical in the ranks of radicalism ever did so radical a thing 
as to come to a National Convention of the great Republican Party 
and secure through fraud the nomination of a man whom they knew 
could not be elected.” 


392 


MAKING A NATION 


To show the arbitrary manner in which even the masterful Root 
carried his purpose, roll call on the final vote found the Roosevelt 
delegates from Massachusetts refusing to vote. Root ruled that they 
must vote. Fosdick of Massachusetts, arouse and said: “Present and 
not voting. I defy the convention to make me vote for any man!” 
Root then called on the alternates to vote for Taft. On this, there 
arose such a demonstration that the chairman halted in his policy and 
did not press the ruling. The Taft machine had won in the con¬ 
vention but it was a fruitless triumph. Taft was disgracefully whipped 
in the election which followed. He ran a poor third! 

The Progressives were in favor of an immediate convention and 
the nomination of Roosevelt. But he counselled delay and advised 
them to return to their homes and give the whole matter careful and 
patriotic consideration. Pie plainly said that if they could find a 
standard bearer who could carry forward the work other than him¬ 
self he would give that man his loyal support; if he, himself, was 
finally chosen he would not shirk the responsibility. Six weeks later 
the Progressive convention was held at Chicago. After an opening 
address by Senator Beveridge, Roosevelt was nominated. He pre¬ 
dicted, “They will be throwing rotten apples at me soon.” In the 
campaign that followed Republican organization speakers heaped upon 
Roosevelt every curse that could be hurled from venemous tongues. 
Nor was he spared by democracy. The campaign was one of the most 
bitter and abusive ever known in the political history of the country. 
Roosevelt was not angelic in utterance. Pie used a broadsword on 
his foes. At times he seemed intemperate in speech. It was all in 
vain. His Progressive campaign resulted in tlie defeat of Taft but 
landed Woodrow Wilson in office by the following vote: Wilson, 
6,286,000; Roosevelt, 4,126,000, and Taft 3,483,000. The Taft and 
Roosevelt totalled 7,609,000 or 1,323,000 more votes than received 
by Wilson, who, thereby became President by a minority vote of the 
people. 

After Taft had been elected President in 1908, Roosevelt made 
his famous African exploration trip. After his defeat as the Pro¬ 
gressive candidate, he buried himself again from civilization by his 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT 


393 


voyage of discovery in South America. From his studies in natural 
history he was enabled to make real worth-while contributions to 
science. The latter expedition carried him to unknown wilds and 
here he and his party suffered danger, privation and sickness. When 
he came back from Africa he was a highly beloved citizen and many 
did him honor. When he returned from Brazil though many loved 
him, there were millions who hated him as one who had destroyed a 
great political party. His righteous motives had no weight in the 
face of partisan passion. 

With Roosevelt at the helm the German Kaiser knew that there 
could be no safe trifling with American honor or safety. Rightly or 
wrongly he was made to feel that under the rule of Roosevelt, the 
United States would fight to maintain a right or to punish a wrong. 
Under the Wilson administration a different aspect presented it¬ 
self. Mr. Wilson, the supreme idealist, stood openly for peace. Even 
when world war had been declared every point was strained toward 
the preservation of an insulted, a shameful neutrality. The second 
election of Mr. Wilson followed a campaign, the slogan of which was 
“Fie kept us out of war!” The sinking of the Lusitania with its 
flower of American manhood and womanhood brought no definite 
action, except the purchase of added typewriters. 

This lack of national courage, this avoidance of what to Roose¬ 
velt seemed a paramount moral duty to civilization, called him to the 
performance of the last service which he rendered the country. Elis 
clarion voice and bristling pen burned the nation with the lash, the 
appeal, the demand for action. To him more than any other, America 
owed an unpayable debt for having awakened the sleeping conscience 
of the people. He saw his people growing rich and fat and civiliza¬ 
tion tottering. He cried out as did the prophets of old against the 
“Money changers in the temple.” 

Finally we went into the World War and Roosevelt asked to 
be permitted to raise a brigade and go to France to fight in this 
great crusade. This privilege was denied him, but he was permitted 
to send four sons over the sea. One of them lies there now, a victim 
to the bullet of the Hun. 


i 


394 


MAKING A NATION 


When Roosevelt was in his last illness at Sagamore Hill, the 
nurses missed him one day and when they found him it was in the 
stable. He was there all alone, his head buried in the mane of 
Quentin’s favorite pony. Quentin, who had died in France. And 
Theodore, the ex-President, the soldier, cowboy, legislator, but after 
all the father, was sobbing with the giant sob of the man with a 
broken heart! They led him back to his bed from which he never 
again arose. 

Oh, what a lover of children he was! Often when he could 
steal away from official duty from cares of the White House, from 
foreign issues, from office seekers, from machine politicians, he would 
grab an army of boys and girls and romp with them through woods 
and green fields and tell them of the birds, the beasts, the flowers, 
the matchless beauty of the big out doors. Out of this he got more 
joy than ruling a nation. 

Roosevelt was a religious man. He was no idolatrous mummer 
of an outworn creed, but he was a disciple of the religion of human 
service. Prayer meant much to him as an inspiration to duty and 
right living. He was broad in his tolerance. He was friendly with 
Protesant, Catholic, Jew\ Religion had no bearing with him in his 
judgment of men. He despised men who practiced or preached class 
hatreds and he deemed him an enemy to the republic who fostered 
religious or racial prejudices. In a long life, under the glare of a 
pitiless publicity, there was found no vital blemish upon his private 
character or personal integrity. Faults had be because he was intensely 
human. But he was a hundred per cent man and a hundred per cent 
American. 

If Roosevelt had not attained fame in official life, he would have 
left a place for himself in literature. He never wrote to make his 
words look well. He was no phrase monger, though he coined and 
created several that live. As a writer he was terse, vigorous, plain, 
unambiguous and sincere. What he said and wrote gained a hearing 
not by reason of the manner or style of expression but because it was 
vital, clear and courageous. It may not be out of place to set down 
here some of his sentences: 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT 


395 


It is the shots which hit that count. 

There should be no yielding to wrong. 

The first requisite of a good citizen is that he should be willing 
to pull his own weight. 

It is not possible ever to Insure prosperity merely by law. 

Success comes only to those who lead the life of endeavor. 

This government is not and never shall become a plutocracy. 
This government is not and never shall be ruled by a mob. 

No prosperity and no glory can save a nation that is rotten at 
heart. 

No nation can be great unless its greatness is laid on foundations 
of righteousness and decency. 

I wish to preach the doctrine of the strenuous life, the life of 
toil and efrort, of labor and strife. “Better faithful than famous.” 

I despise a man who surrenders his conscience to a multitude as 
much as I do the one who surrenders it to one man. 

Clean politics is simply one form of applied good citizenship. 

It is a good thing to appeal to citizens to work for good govern¬ 
ment because it is right in itself to do so. 

A m.an must go into practical politics to make his influence felt. 
Practical politics must not be construed to mean dirty politics. 

Our average fellow citizen is a sane and healthy man, who 
believes in decency and has a wholesome mind. “That honor goes 
before profit.” 

No man is above the law and no man below it. 

We cannot have too much immigration of the right kind and 
none at all of the wrong kind. 

Our nation glorious in youth and strength looks into the future 
with fearless and eager eyes, and rejoices as a strong man to run a 
race. We challenge the proud privilege of doing the work that 
Providence allots us and we face the coming years high of heart and 
resolute of faith that to our people is given the right to win such 


396 


MAKING A NATION 


honor and renown as has never yet been granted to the peoples of 
mankind. 

There are those who have always maintained that Roosevelt 
ahvaj^s sought the limelight, was never content unless he occupied the 
center of the stage, that he was possessed of a restless ambition and 
that he was satisfied only, when permitted to dominate in every activity 
with which he might be connected. 

It is quite clear to the student of character that he was saturated 
with egoism as distinguished from egotism. His nature was master¬ 
ful. He knew himself. He had abiding faith in his own righteous¬ 
ness and power. He knew of his own limitless capacity for service. 
If he wanted to lead it was because some great overpowering crisis 
was at hand and for safety and success of the issue, he felt and knew 
that he could lead better than some other, not for personal glory, but 
to win a vital battle. Even if he sought the limelight, it was no 
grave error for the limelight could not overlook him. Always there 
exuded from him a buoyancy and an optimism that had to burst out. 
To confine it, would have meant an explosion. He filled every job 
assigned better than had his predecessor and right or wrong he filled 
it in a way to impress people. I do not think he did this for greater 
personal glory, but because he felt that that was the way to make the 
citizenship of the country take notice of the betterment. He did not 
like hidden things. He did not like invisible government. He knew 
that political skulduggery had its highest inspiration in dark closets, 
that wicked schemes were hatched under cover of darkness. He 
wanted every move made in the open so that men’s schemes might be 
checked and evil design halted before it had completed its nefarious 
work. He had sublime faith in the people. He felt that no earnest 
appeal to patriotism or good sense would ever fall on deaf ears in 
this Republic. 

One of Teddy’s sons once said that his daddy did not like to go 
either to a funeral or a wedding because at the funeral he could not 
be the corpse and at the wedding he could not be the bride and when 
Roosevelt heard of the comment he chuckled at the wit of his critical 
offspring. One time he was making a stump speech and two colored 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT 


397 


men were in the audience. One said, “Who am dat speechmaker?” 
“Who am he,” answered the other, “who where you bin all dese 
yahs? Why, dat am de famous Col. Teddy Roosevelt!” “I don’t 
keer who he am,” said the other, “but he sholy do most highly 
recommend hisself!” A lady once visited the White House, saying 
to the President, that she had come all the way from Florida to see 
for the first time a real live President. Roosevelt replied: “That 
people went all the way to Florida to see real live alligators.” In 
describing a certain U. S. Senator once, Roosevelt said, “that he 
looked like Judas only he did not have Judas’s capacity for remorse.” 

He may have been ambitious. That in itself is surely no sin. But 
it was not the ambition of a Caesar, Napoleon or a Kaiser. It was 
an ambition to be the exponent of a one hundred per cent Americanism 
which meant to do his part, toward translating high and righteous 
ideals into the plain citizenship of the people, to whom he devoted 
the purest resolves of a brave and active life. 

When history is finally written it will say that not as legislator, 
cow’boy, rough rider, civil service commissioner, police head of New 
York City, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Governor of New York 
State, Vice-President or President will he have been entitled to an 
enduring fame, but because he awoke the sleeping conscience of a great 
nation. 




s 





Warren Gamliel Harding 


F or half a century, the eyes of the American people will be too 
dim with tears, to make a just survey of the life and character of 
Warren G. Harding. Until then it will not be possible to fix his 
place in history. Between the biting sneer of partisan foe and the 
hysterical admiration of loyal friend there is the truth. This 
we must seek. When found, that sacred thing, judgment and justice 
must be put before men. Thus only can the nation learn and grow. 

There was no bitter sting in his passing on for our captain was 
called w’hile at the post of strenuous duty. He was exalted in service 
and they who serve do not die. Though he was president he held a 
higher rank—that of useful, clean, upright, upstanding, unafraid 
citizen and man. Distinction, great office honorably won to him was 
but the golden opportunity for higher and nobler service. Though 
entrusted with power and might, outrivaling that of kings, he walked 
humbly and feared God; not the trembling fear of the pitiless coward 
who shrinks, but with the fear of one who hated wrong, oppression, 
evil, inhumanity, or the suffering of the innocent. America did not 
know either the President or the man, until God said to him, “Come, 
and walk with me.” 

It is a sad commentary that Americans conserve nothing, not the 
big trees now so abundant, but soon vanish forever; not the plenteous 
fish from out the bosom of the sea; not the precious minerals from 
the mine; not the abundant wheat of the field; not the tumbling, 
lashing, leaping, roaring rivers with their inexhaustible pent-up en¬ 
ergies and power, and certain it is that we are guilty of the nameless 
crime of failing to protect and conserve our presidents. Three have 
been murdered in the flesh. Lincoln was killed in the hour of his 
greatest need to his country. Garfield and McKinley w^ere struck 
down just when they were, themselves, developing most. Wilson 
was rendered almost impotent as he rounded out the latter part of 
his second term, and now, Warren G. Harding has been deliberately 
slain because, under our system, the office of Chief Executive of the 


400 


MAKING A NATION 


American republic demands more than mortal man can give. The late 
President was doubly slain in that there hordes of men who mentally, 
morally and even politically, denied him the opportunity of “making 
good.” Some of these misbranded as members of his own political 
faith, smote, scourged, stung, lashed and whipped him because he had 
courage. They unblushingly and unscrupulously used their petty 
whips and parliamentary tactics to hinder and obstruct his progressive 
policies, looking to the honor and happiness of America and peace for 
the blundering, stumbling, battling nations of the world. Let America, 
at the tomb of this dear dead President, be brave enough to confess 
the truth, and make supreme resolve that when a man becomes 
President of these United States, it is the sacred duty of the citizen 
to uphold his hands, not drive him to an untimely grave. 

When Mark Anthony stood beside the dead body of Caesar in 
the market place of Rome he found the restless mob had yielded 
to the noble Brutus when he explained why he was willing to assist 
in the killing of Caesar, Anthony was a demagogue, he appealed 
to the hate, the passion of the multitude. Among other things, he 

said: “The evil that men do, lives after them, the good is oft in¬ 

terred with their bones.” Anthony was a sophist, he did not know 
nor did he declare the truth. The lesson to be derived from the 
career of the man, the dead President whose memory the nation 
honors, is that all men humble or great should so live that when the 
mysterious boatman beckons for the final voyage across the mystic 
river, that we may exclaim, “The good that men do shall live after 

them, and that their faults or evil deeds shall be written upon the 

shifting sands of the undulating sea.” 

What manner of man was this Warren G. Harding whom so 
many millions loved and whom some few hated? What was his birth, 
his life, his ambition, his courage, his Americanism, his character? 
He was born in a little village in Ohio. His father was the village 
doctor. They were plain, common, poor, average American people. 
The boy had some schooling, but as his people were not over supplied 
with money, always he had upon him, the pressing necessity to fight 
his own battles and make his own way. In his earlier years he tried 


WARREN G. HARDING 


401 


school teaching but he was too active, impulsive and daring a disposi¬ 
tion to remain long at this profession. As boy and youth, he did not 
differ in any respect from other boys. He played marbles and tops, 
went swimming on Sunday and did all the things that the average 
American boy in a small town would do. 

Forty years ago, Marion, Ohio, to which city his family moved, 
was neither a very large nor prosperous place. Some man had gone 
into that city and tried to establish and operate a newspaper. Whether 
it was his inefficiency or the poverty of the community, the fact still 
remains that the paper soon fell into heavy debt and having been 
mortgaged it was put up for sale by order of court. Warren, eighteen 
years of age, had saved up some money but borrowed the rest in order 
to become possessed of this newspaper property. It took courage to do 
this, but he threw into the work industry, efficiency and personality. 
He succeeded with his paper and paid one hundred cents on the dollar. 
Many a weary-plodding day he stood at a font of type, setting by hand 
the articles which he himself wrote. Marion grew and with its growth 
the “Marion Star” as edited by Harding became a real power for 
good throughout the state. One of the reasons why Harding was so 
successful was because of the relationship which he established with 
the men in all departments of his newspaper plant. Not only was 
Harding a splendid writer, but he developed into an orator of no mean 
ability. The demand for him as a public speaker threw him into 
politics and later on he was elected to the state senate. His record 
there having satisfied the people he was chosen Lieutenant Governor 
of the State of Ohio. In this capacity he presided over the delibera¬ 
tions of the State Senate and by his impartial conduct of that re¬ 
sponsible office he won and retained a multitude of friends from every 
portion of the state. His next attempt at political office was as a 
candidate for Governor. In this he was defeated by Mr. Cox, who, 
in the last national campaign was defeated by him for the presidency of 
this republic. 

In spite of his defeat for the Governorship, Mr. Harding was 
again placed before the people, this time for the office of United States 
Senator, and this time he was successful. He was known in the sen- 


I 


402 


MAKING A NATION 


ate among his colleagues as a man of tremendous industry, of deep 
thought. He was further distinguished as a man of winning person¬ 
ality and a great lover of horses, dogs and outdoor sports of every kind 
and character, and to his innermost friends he revealed a reverence for 
religion and a faith in the Almighty God, that guided every single, 
solitary act of his life. 

It will be remembered that President Wilson delivered in per¬ 
son his message demanding the Congress, which, under the Constitu¬ 
tion, was the only power in the land which could declare war to pass 
the resolution for war against Germany. Much time was consumed in 
the discussion of this plain issue. Among the men who challenged the 
attention of the senate of the United States was the senator from Wis¬ 
consin whose name need not here be mentioned. This gentleman leaped 
to his feet and presented to the senate a most elaborate argument 
against the passage of the resolution and in defense of Germany and 
her polic)^ In this remarkable oration, which should have been ex¬ 
punged from the records, he said that allies were wrong, that Germany 
was right, that we had no cause whatever to declare war; he pre¬ 
dicted that Germany could and probably would conquer the world, 
that our entrance would not only prolong the war, but would place 
us as a nation in grave peril. 

Upon its conclusion there arose Warren G. Harding, modest, 
firm, patriotic, one hundred per cent American. He said, “I owe 
it to the people of the State of Ohio, and the citizens of this nation 
to tell them why I differ from the senator from Wisconsin and why 
I shall, with all my heart and soul, and with every particle of energy 
that in me lies, vote yes for a declaration of war on the part of the 
United States against Germany. I do not give my consent in order to 
make the world safe for democracy, nor that the Allies are in 
desperate need of our assistance, but for the sole reason that there 
has been a violation and an invasion of American rights and that a 
constitutional republic, that is so weak or so unmoral, as to refuse to 
protect the rights of its citizens when the same is in danger, does 
not deserve the right to exist as a nation.” The speech of Mr. 
Harding on this occasion took only about as many minutes as hours 


WARREN G. HARDING 


403 


consumed by the Senator from Wisconsin, yet in his mild effective way 
Senator Harding excoriated the man from Wisconsin, tore the mask 
from off his demagogic face, and without specifically charging, proved 
that high treason could even found within the confines of the Senate 
of the United States. 

Up to this time Warren G. Harding had scarcely become a 
national character. Shortly prior to the last presidential campaign, 
both of the major political parties had reached a condition of tre¬ 
mendous confusion. Rightly or wrongly, the nation was greviously 
dissatisfied with the then party in power but neither had any distinct 
personality upon whom might be concentrated the popular political 
thought. Among the republicans, there were many candidates. 
Through a conflict of ambitions he was seized upon as a compromise 
candidate and was thrust into the presidency by a vote of the people 
that reflected rather a protest against the opposition than a confidence 
in him as the ruler of the people. 

On assuming the presidency, Mr. Harding inherited a greater 
task than that which faced any president except Lincoln. Our finances 
were in confusion, business had halted upon the very brink of de¬ 
struction, the buying nations of the world were without money with 
which to secure our product. The national debt had increased beyond 
the dream of possibility. We were not taking in revenue enough 
to pay the running expenses, of the Government. This is what 
Warren G. Harding, plain man and citizen, from a small town in 
Ohio, saw' when he took the reigns of pow'er in his safe and sane 
grasp. 

Why is it then, that though but a few years ago, Warren G. 
Harding almost unknowm, has now w'on for himself an imperishable 
and enduring place among the great men of the w’orld ? It is because 
every act of his life as President of the United States has been 
inspired by courage, character and American patriotism. It took 
courage to coin the phrase “normalcy.” He was laughed at, cartooned 
by the comic papers, scorned and vilified by the political bandits 
hungering for the gratification of their owm selfish aims and ambitions. 
But when w'ar-time prisoners were clamoring for release, when the 


404 


MAKING A NATION 


price of farm products were falling, when factories were silent and 
labor unemployed, when threatened strikes seemed about to tie up 
the few industries that still operated, it was the very time for the 
leader of America political thought to seek to impress the people 
with the necessity of striving to bring things back to a normal, healthy, 
common, ordinary condition, and now in the face of subsequent 
history, it is agreed that the phrase was a wise one and served a use¬ 
ful purpose. 

Somehow the people don’t quite understand just how the gov¬ 
ernment used to run things at Washington. The politicians w’ere 
under the impression that the United States Treasury was an institu¬ 
tion out of which everybody ought to take and towards which nobody 
ought to give. The tax and revenue departments would collect all 
the money they could legitimately squeeze out of the people and the 
politicians would spend all they could and more, with the result that 
if the collection department did well there would be enough to go 
around, and if the collection department did not do so well there 
would be a deficit and next year additional burdens would be im¬ 
posed upon the people, to pay up for the mishap of the previous year. 
Mr. Harding inaugurated, under his administration, the budget system 
and every man and woman, who conducts either business or household 
affairs, upon approved modern lines, knows that the budget of the 
family and the budget at Washington are just the same, the only 
exception being the amount involved. The principle being that if 
your income is $1200 a year you should so organize and map out 
your business of the year and so order your expenses that thfs $1200 
will not only cover your year’s expenses, but provide for you a 
sinking fund which shall be devoted to the payment of any debts 
which you may owe and provide some safeguard for your protection 
for the years which are to come. By this system more than 100,000 
employees have been removed from the official pay rolls of the national 
government at Washington alone, and the national deficit has been 
transformed into a safe and healthy surplus, and if Mr. Harding 
had lived there is no question in my mind but that he would have 
compelled congress to enact a law by which this surplus should be 


WARREN G. HARDING 


405 


used not in paying bonuses to farmers but to create the machinery for 
co-operating in the marketing of products, and by cutting out a series 
of parasites, the middlemen, secure for the farmer a just price for 
the riches, which he wrings from the reluctant earth. 

Now comes the greatest achievement of the Harding career. 
Three long and weary years had passed since the world treaty of 
peace had been signed in Paris. England and France were leaping 
each at the throat of the other and that condition has not improved, 
even to this day. Turkey, in its conflict v/ith Greece was paving the 
w'ay and has since succeeded in getting control of Consantinople. India 
W’as then and is now upon the very brink of a revolution that will 
stir the Orient to its very depths. China had become the scrapping 
ground for military chieftans and bandits. Egypt, under an alleged 
independence, had relapsed into semi-barbarism. The world w’as in 
chaos. Though victorious in the war, the victory apparently meant 
nothing in the way of the settlement of European peace. But in our 
own country there lurked a danger which can hardly be overestimated. 
Demagogues in the United States co-operated with demagogues in 
Japan until the impression had been created on the Japanese mind 
that we really intended to make a military or naval move detrimental 
to the interests of that nation. The Jingo in Japan and his brother 
in America, sought to inflame the mad passions of both and bring 
about a war. There existed a treaty betw’een Japan and Great 
Britain, whereby our Anglo-Saxon brothers had agreed solemnly to 
help Japan against her enemies in any war that should ever be 
declared against either. 

Against the advise of friends and with thousands of rebukes 
stinging his ear, Mr. Harding decided to call the leading nations of 
the world together in a conference at Washington, D. C., to dis¬ 
cuss apparently the question of the limitation of arms. All the sour¬ 
faced pessimists in the country first said the other nations wouldn t 
come, and wFen one after another all invitations had been accepted, the 
kickers and scorpions said that if they did come the conference w’ould 
be a failure. There was still another group of very desirable citizens 
who raised their hands in holy horrors and asserted vehemently 


406 


MAKING A NATION 


that the conference would create added causes of difference among 
the nations of the world and would be productive of war rather than 
peace. The distinguishing difference between the Paris peace con¬ 
ference and that held in America was that during all those months, 
when Woodrow Wilson, Lloyd George and Clemenceau and the 
representatives of Italy and Japan were settling the fate of the w’orld, 
the word God was never mentioned. Twenty million men had died 
upon fields of battle, three hundred billions in gold coin values had 
been destroyed out of the world. International credit had been shat¬ 
tered. A new ocean had been created out of the blood and tears of 
common people, who, from the very dawn of history had never asked 
for war, but who always pay the tragic price. The facts of the case had 
proved that under modern destructive conditions no nation can 
really win a war, because war brings as much calamity to the victor 
as to the vanquished, and yet knowing that this thing was greater 
than kings or nations, they did not even ask the help of the Big 
Soldier above. When Harding called our disarmament conference 
there flashed over the land and over the sea a prayer that smote the 
hearts of all men and so aw^oke the public conscience of the world that 
delegates would not have dared return to their native lands with 
the mission of peace unfulfilled. And then, next day, Hughes, again 
under the direction of the President, startled the world, for he said in 
effect, “We want no man’s land, we want no spoils of war, we 
have a navy equal to any in the world and w'e are willing to scrap, 
tear up, destroy a large part of it if the other nations of the world 
will do the same.” 

Every hour lifted him to a higher and broader vision of his duty 
as President. Many abused him for refusing to spank Congress into 
submission to his will. But he had too fine a regard for the Con¬ 
stitution he had sw'orn to uphold. Had he lived. Congress would 
have realized that Harding was right, and w^ould have translated 
his desire into legisative action. 

On that memorable tour, which carried in it the germ of death, 
his speeches were more than remarkable, conservation of national 
resources, co-operative marketing, a keener appreciation of agricultural 
needs, all claimed his brave thought and every word he spoke indi- 


WARREN G. HARDING 


407 


cated the untrammeled opinion of a patriotic statesman, planning for 
the good of all the people. 

In spite of the open opposition of three formidable presidential 
possibilities, one from California, one from Wisconsin and one from 
Idaho, Mr. Harding declared for American co-operation towards 
and participation in a non-political World Court. This interesting trio 
of obstructionists immediately charged that this was a plan to 
enter the League of Nations by the back door. Both Mr. Harding 
and Mr. Hughes disclaimed any such intent or purpose. They further 
proved that the World Court was not a League of Nations’ Tribunal, 
but the heckling of the late President continued, and grew in bitter¬ 
ness, until death stalked in and for a few short hours biting tongues 
became silent, as a nation wept at the tomb of a fallen chieftain. 

The passing of Warren G. Harding furnished another supreme 
tribute to the wdsdom of the men who framed the Constitution. For 
a few hours the nation was without a ruler. In other times and in 
some other country an event of this nature, might have caused a 
serious disturbance and might have endangered the Ship of State. 

Away off in a remote New England village, an humble citizen, 
a mere justice of the peace, one of the most unimportant officers in the 
country, administered a simple oath and a new President was in¬ 
ducted into the highest and most sacred office in the gift of any nation 
of the world. There vv^as no pomp, no ceremony, no waiting army, no 
horde of bowing or scraping diplomats. It was marked by almost 
rude simplicity, but it called into service the man designated by the 
constitution to take upon himself high office and supreme responsibility. 

Calvin Coolidge is not unknown. He has been through the fire. 
He has been put to the test. He has conscience, courage, character 
and a deep reverence for the Constitution. He will, perhaps, not be 
spectacular, but he will not trim his sails and men will know at the 
proper time, just where he stands upon the vital issues of the day. 
The mantle of Warren G. Harding has fallen upon capable, and 
worthy shoulders and under President Coolidge, America will carry 
forward constructive policies for the good of all the people of the 
United States, and will, moreover, take its righteous part in any safe 
and sane plan looking to the Peace of the World. 


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